Monthly Archives: July 2012

The truth about Jack and Jill up that hill

They say Jack and Jill went up the hill to fetch a pale of water, Jack fell down, broke his crown and Jill came tumbling after. The true story is rather different. Another fellow, Duncton, was already up the hill in 1765, waiting for Jill, who lived in Brighton. Jill was evicted from her home, which sat on land due to be redeveloped. In 1821 she was carried up the hill to meet Jack by teams of locals men; she’s a big lass. Her relationship with Duncton was relatively shortlived – he lost his head and died. Jill stayed at the top of the hill, waiting for Jack. He came up to join her in 1866 and the two of them have lived up there ever after, though not always happily. There was no pale of water.

Jill Windmill, on the South Downs above Clayton.

Jill Windmill, on the South Downs above Clayton. Click to enlarge.

I am, of course, describing to the two much loved windmills sitting on the South Downs above Clayton. In 1906 both Jack and Jill went to sleep, after people found modern mechanisation more profitable. In 1978 work began to restore Jill to her former working glory. When the Great Storm hit Sussex in 1987, the members of the Society formed for her restoration rushed up the hill to save her. Reading their modest accounts of that night makes it plain to anyone who witnessed the wind’s fury that night, that they risked their lives to save this magnificent machine. When the rest of Sussex was being flattened by a 120mph gale, Jill’s sweeps turned against her brake, threw out a torrent of sparks and set her on fire. These brave folk managed to bring the blaze under control and eventually stop the sweeps. Over 700 hours of voluntary labour repaired the damage. Such is the love that Jill inspires.

I’ve walked past Jack and Jill many times. When I was a boy and it snowed hard in the winter, the cattle track which curves away from them down the very steep side of the downland was the scariest sledge run in Sussex. More recently, I trudged past it as dawn broke on my sixth attempt to walk the South Downs Way alone over midwinter. Whether committed to the toboggan run or the long walk, it is impossible to ignore Jill’s arresting beauty.

I visited her again on Sunday, when she was open to the public. People clambered throughout her chambers, childlike, marvelling at her giant wooden cogs and the ingenuity of her design. Society members explained her machinations in as much detail as you could want. Instead of demanding an entrance fee, they simply left a collecting box at the foot of her stairs, as if a modern money grabbing approach would somehow offend her nineteenth century spirit. I climbed to the top floor inside – the ‘bin floor’ – and felt her swaying in the wind beneath my feet. I found myself lingering there a while, enjoyed her wooden soul.

Jill is open every Sunday and Bank Holiday in the summer. This really is the perfect example of a working museum and a wonderful aspect to a Sunday afternoon stroll. My wife and I will be joining the Jack and Jill Windmills Society. We’ve been so impressed that we’ve decided to pay for life membership. However long we’ve got left to us, we’ll be pleased to help preserve Jill for the centuries to come.

UK Green Party leadership election

In a rare move for a political leader, the Green Party leader, Caroline Lucas, is stepping aside to allow someone else to make their mark. Being unfamiliar with any of candidates, I’ve watched some video hustings from elsewhere in the country. I present them here without comment, except to say that the platform includes Pippa Bartolotti, Natalie Bennett and Peter Cranie but not Romayne Phoenix.

Until four years ago, us Greens didn’t trouble ourselves with a single leader at all. Therefore, it will come as no surprise that our relationship with our leadership is somewhat different from the other mainstream parties. We use the leadership to communicate with the wider public, rather than to lead politically. Our constitutional rules are very clear, the party is controlled from the bottom up.

An unusual feature of our current rules is that the leader and the deputy leader must be of opposite gender. I’d like to see that rule binned because it means that the election of one candidate for the leadership can automatically disqualify others from the deputy leadership election. I can’t see how that squares with basic democratic principles. Nevertheless, it reveals something very important about our party: that we take equality incredibly seriously.

Here’s the deputy leadership hustings:

I find myself torn between wanting to vote according to how well I know people and wanting to encourage people in parts of the country well away from Brighton & Hove. We mustn’t fall into the trap that the Liberal (Democrats) did long ago. Until very recently, they were really little more than four strong regional parties, tied together by a common name. Their distinct parts promoted different policies! I’m concerned that the rise of the Brighton & Hove Greens could lead to a scenario where our region and the other strong regions develop separately from one another. That said, our best people are likely to come from where they have learnt the lessons of success.

Given that we are not a party seeking a leader but instead a good communicator, that will be the principal criteria by which I judge the candidates. I’ve watched all the videos above, I know some of the candidates and I’ll be talking about the others with my comrades. I’ll declare my decision here when it’s made.

Our most fractured relationship can end well

Imagine living in a home where we never need to worry about paying a bill, where we can use all the water, gas and electricity we like without it ever running dry, where no matter how much of our excrement and other waste we dump in our back garden, it will always be bountiful and fit for growing all the food we’ll ever need. Go further: imagine that the very same home has a factory in the basement which can produce anything you’ve ever wanted and a whole lot more beside, everything you need to raise and nurture as many children as you want without them ever going hungry or fighting over anything at all, where there are never any accidents of any kind and no-one ever tells lies. Sounds great, doesn’t it? Trouble is, this isn’t the home we live in. Planet earth isn’t like that at all.

Our home has finite fuel resources, a very limited supply of fresh water and has been steadily contaminated by us. We’ve carried on as if the fantasy described above is all true, largely because our Abrahamic religious leaders have repeatedly claimed for thousands of years that everything on the planet is here solely for our use and our political leaders haven’t begged to differ. Well done them! Their resulting moral compass appears increasingly wonky, pointing us down the road to nowhere. What might have once been useful for a desert people struggling to persist, is a pointless and counterproductive creed on an overpopulated planet with dwindling resources. These teachings have turned our world to shit but instead of looking the truth of the matter in the face and facing down the home truths, our religious and political leaders blind their eyes. Their heaven is endless material growth, their vision non-existent. The established churches turn vast profits on a stock exchange of profiteering from the further depletion of our planetary resources, despite it poisoning the earth for future generations. Political leaders pray for money from the psychopathic corporations which complete this hell, to lavish on their constituents and win favour.

With the traditional energy sources rapidly approaching the point of ‘running on empty’ the sensible might expect the powerful, whose hands most firmly grip the wheels which turn the commanding heights of the economy, to turn their attention to the newly emerging alternative sources of energy. Sources which rely on modern, sustainable, technology. Yet they don’t. It’s a case of since it’s broken, rather than fix it, they’ll fuck it up as much possible, because along the way, they (not us, the 99%) will get very rich very very quickly and then they’ll be dead and why should they care then? This selfish attitude does not meet with serious admonishment from our lords spiritual. No-one has been excommunicated for exploiting the planet. Instead of acknowledging the plain facts – that our descendents will have to live and die with the resulting legacy – the profiteers have developed new ways of scraping the old barrel.

These new scrapings are properly called extreme energy. The new method is called hydraulic fracturing or “fracking” for short. Pressurised fluid is pumped into rocks deep underground to crack them open and release gas, which would otherwise be inaccessible. The fluid comprises water, sand and various toxic chemicals, much of which stays underground. Millions of gallons are used to frack a single well. The fluid which returns to the surface has leached chemicals (eg arsenic) and radiactive elements from the earth. Fracking in the USA has resulted in spills of this contaminated fluid. A report released last year by the Democrats on the US  House of Representatives Committee for Energy and Commerce revealed that 29 of the chemicals used are known or possible carcinogens. Ground water has been contaminated with methane, resulting in the obviously dangerous and visually alarming spectacle of domestic water taps capable of creating explosions in people’s homes. Fracturing the rocks below us, creates instability in the earth’s crust. The first test fracking well in the UK caused two minor earthquakes in Lancashire.

The whole process is very inefficient, meaning that much carbon dioxide is emitted in the pursuit of only a little more energy. Many wells are required because each one only produces a small amount of gas. The methane extracted is a much stronger greenhouse gas than carbon dioxide. We have already discovered sufficient quantities of fossil fuels to cause runaway climate change, without throwing these extra problems into the mix.

This is madness. That’s the word we use to describe behaviour which is inexplicable, dangerous, life-threatening. Some individuals may well be extremely intelligent but unless we take serious action soon to stop this suicidal tendency, we will have proved that collectively we are extremely stupid. It’s completely obvious that our economic system promotes this kind of nonsense. It’s been going on for many decades. The recent round of approvals of planning applications in the UK for fracking exploration licences (necessarily involving fracking itself) are just the latest manifestation of the insanity. We can argue about whether we ought to campaign to eventually slow the dividend cycle from quarterly to but once a year, whether to tax the trade in financial dividends or whether to restructure the banking industry but none of that will make one jot of difference if our ground water is poisoned, our food production ruined and our home drowned.

We can head off this impending disaster. A grass roots network is springing up. Local groups are forming, planning applications are being studied in detail, the resistance is being planned. Right now, the consensus amongst our most organised citizenry is that the time is to recruit people into this network. We need to know who is on the side of the planet, who we can call on when the time comes. We need to have established connections with each other, to be ready for action. As the hugely respected Marina Pepper said in Brighton yesterday afternoon, “we need bottoms on the ground“. Yes, there will certainly have to be direct action. There will also have to be letters, emails, petitions, phone calls. Our politicians need to understand that they will lose votes if they support this madness. If you live in the Brighton Pavilion constituency, you already have an MP (Caroline Lucas) who is fully committed to opposing this madness. That’s the Green Party for you. However, this isn’t a party political polemic from me. There will be politicians of all flavours who understand the crucial relationship between their constituents and the earthy crust they stand on.

Planning applications are decided by local councils. Sadly, many local councillors are incapable of anything much. Without technocratic issues forced into their consciousness, they aren’t up to the job of weighing up the cost benefit analysis. So many have searched so much for a couple of thousand quid for the local community hall, that if a large corporation promises that, they’ll give the earth away.

Stopping fracking will not be enough to solve the root problem. We use far too much energy. We need to use less and we need to make it in a way which we can sustain. Our lifestyles have to change. There’s no doubt about that. The question is whether the change is forced upon us or whether we take charge of the situation. It’s up to us. We can’t do this alone. We have to do it together. A start has been made. Some caring souls have put together a website and packed it with useful information and hard data: frack-off.org.uk. We can all use it to publicise the coming campaigns and coordinate our communities.

Some other countries, with a closer relationship with their agricultural economy than we have in the UK, have already banned fracking altogether, notably France. The UK appears to be the testbed for the venture capitalist funded private corporations who want to frack Europe. We’re seen as the soft touch in Europe, the country most likely to succumb first. It’s up to us to show the world we see things differently. If we don’t our fractured home will break apart completely, much more quickly than we ever imagined. This isn’t the stuff of apocalyptic fantasy, it’s happening right now below our feet. We can do much more than stamping them in disgust, we can take steps to a new relationship with our home. We need strong relationships with each other first. We need to set up our own local groups, to monitor the development of fracking applications. We need to be ready to take whatever steps are required to end this madness. We can end this well.

British Olympic police say don’t get on yer bike!

Danny Boyle surprised the most cynical about the London Olympics with an opening ceremony closer to the country we recognise than expected. Collective action, dissent, humour and our public services featured centre stage in a revision test for the ideal citizennship test. The Olympic flame has been lit, the scene is set, the greatest show on earth can begin. For the next 16 days, we’ll have a feel good factor in the UK on a scale we haven’t had for years, decades even. We’ll forget about the corporate whoring, the absurdity of branding police monitoring bagel shops in East London, the easy profiteering on the back of this early peace movement. We’ll kick back, crack open more beers than are healthy and cheer the greatest athletes of eternity compete for the highest glory. Along the way, a new generation of one day British Olympians will be inspired to concentrate their lives on the good things, especially the ones we’re good at, like cycling.

Last night’s spectacular was not all the world saw of London last night. Thanks to twitter, newly emboldened by the English High Court decision earlier in the day (here’s my commentary and full appeal judgement in Paul Chambers’ case, readable on any device), a confusing alternative vision of London emerged. This other story also involved a celebration of sporting endeavour, dissent, humour and, erm, violent arrests. The occasion was critical mass, a monthly event, a peaceful plea for the pleasures of cycling.

The last Friday of every month London witnesses this a good natured mass cycle ride, which has been the subject of considerable legal argument already. The highest judges in the land (then known as the Law Lords), decided in 2008, with reference to the Public Order Act 1986, that was “inconceivable that Parliament could have intended … to outlaw events such as Critical Mass“.

Ever since April 1994, cyclists have met near the National Theatre on the South Bank and ridden as a block on the roads on a follow-my-leader basis. In other words, as the agreed facts in that case put it, “there is no fixed, settled or predetermined route, end-time or destination; where Critical Mass goes, where and what time it ends, are all things which are chosen by the actions of the participants on the day“. Yet last night, the police met them with truncheon blows and pepper spray, with kettling and multiple arrests. Cyclists were pushed to the ground. The very emblem of London, the red bus, was used to store confiscated bicycles.


View Location of cyclists arrested at Olympics on 27th July 2012 in a larger map

100 cyclists were contained by police at the junction of Stratford High Street and Warton Road, where they were held for most of the Opening Ceremony. It appears that most of them were arrested, although the police have not given any figures. Doubtless the authorities are edgy about the prospect of violence during the Olympics. Without any obvious threat, they seem to have picked on these politically minded cyclists, despite the social networks to which they belong having repeatedly declared that they do not wish to disrupt the games.

English cycling has finally come of age. Years of solid campaigning has converged in the common goals of our personal and planetary health. A few days ago, an Englishman won the Tour de France. Hopes run high for gold medals in the Olympics. Yet all this has been despite our culture of criticism of cyclists. After the last Olympics, our greatest two wheelers announced that they were going abroad to train because it was too dangerous in the UK. That’s just the road traffic for you. Last night’s action by the Metropolitan Police ramped up the risks still further. The message is, if the trucks don’t get you, the boys and girls in blue will.

I attended a London critical mass in 1996, a couple of years after it started and long before the Law Lords declared it a customary procession. Normally such processions are not required to observe the traffic lights, as anyone who has attended one will know – the normal rules of the Highway Code are suspended for the duration of the event. Having accidentally become a freelance legal observer the month before, I put my newly acquired orange bib on and went to watch what happened. I wasn’t at yesterday’s mass, this post is based on reports I’ve received. I’ll be attending the Brighton Critical Mass next month, which meets at The Level on the last Friday of every month at 6:00pm and starts riding at 6:30pm. The Metropolitan Police have inspired me again, so thanks to them for that.

Paul Chambers v DPP: political commentary and full appeal judgment

Commentary

Not so long ago the High Court found its routine grant of the now infamous superinjunctions undermined by twitter users. The stage was set for an ugly confrontation between the slow paced development of the law and the fast paced development of society. Today the High Court has confounded its severest critics in the so-called Twitter Joke Trial by overturning a conviction for a joke about terrorism. That’s a subject few politicians would dare trespass into despite the public being so well disposed to ribald humour and the like. The High Court has now declared that on twitter there are, “jokes (bad ones as well as good ones)“.

I won’t trouble you with an explanation of the case. Either you are already familiar with them or you can read them below in the judgment, which is written in plain English. If you are unused to reading law, don’t be put off by the short sections which refer to the common law of previous cases or legislation. They are short. The judgment makes reference to other cases simply because other appeal judges have already given judgments on matters which may or not be pertinent. Two phrases may require some explanation for the unitiated: actus reus and mens rea. These latin expressions mean, firstly, a criminal action and, secondly, a criminal intent. Almost all English (and Welsh) criminal law requires both an actus reus and a mens rea for a conviction to become possible.

Beyond demonstrating its sense of humour and freedom from our paranoid culture, the High Court has conspicuously shown it appreciates free speech includes many qualities. It explains that in the most wonderful turn of phrase. You’ll rarely see a politician make such a solid defence, let alone so eloquent:

“The 2003 Act did not create some newly minted interference with the first of President Roosevelt’s essential freedoms – freedom of speech and expression. Satirical, or iconoclastic, or rude comment, the expression of unpopular or unfashionable opinion about serious or trivial matters, banter or humour, even if distasteful to some or painful to those subjected to it should and no doubt will continue at their customary level, quite undiminished by this legislation. Given the submissions by Mr Cooper, we should perhaps add that for those who have the inclination to use “Twitter” for the purpose, Shakespeare can be quoted unbowdlerised, and with Edgar, at the end of King Lear, they are free to speak not what they ought to say, but what they feel.”

The problem faced by all the judges who have heard this case is an age old problem with any system of law. Legislation is written, society moves on and the question arises as to whether any particular incident is one which our parliamentarians intended to be covered by a particular law. It cannot be any other way. Here again, we find our most expert judges turning to a dictionary to discover the meaning of the words approved by our rather unprofessional legislators. We also find them examining a case on the merits of its facts as well as the law. Whilst there can be no doubt that this judgment will be very influential, it is important to realise that it does turn rather heavily on the facts involved, many of which were only apparent some time after the sending of the original tweet. In particular, the slowness of the response to the tweet. The point here is that the law accepts that, with respect to this particular offence, itself a previously unused and somewhat obscure piece of legislation, context is everything.

Therefore, people should not assume that they can use twitter to make threats of terrorism and then escape liability. It may be that politicians decide to create new laws to cope with the sudden consequences of social media. Amongst our legal commentators, myself included, there is no perception that this is necessary. The risk is that we’ll suffer more rushed legislation. Politicians do like to look good by making others look bad, as with the owners of certain non existent animals (Dangerous Dogs Act). Although the phenomenon of social media is new, there is no urgency for creating legislation to cover it. It is true that threats are made there. I have been followed on twitter by people whose biographical information self describes them as wanting to “Kill all reds” and the like. Doubtless, many of these people are stupid, will be caught and will be convicted under existing legislation.

Curiously, all these new forms of communication are saving the government an awful lot of money because so much of their content is either completely public or is very easy to access. How many people on Facebook truly know all their new friends? Our security and intelligent services no longer have to expend so many resources working out how to track the correspondences of miscreants, they just watch the social networks. Although the best trained terrorists doubtless avoid such channels, there will be much revealed there which catches the newbie criminal before s/he properly gets started on a dangerous career.

Here’s the judgment in full. To anyone who says the law is hard to understand, they need only read this to see that it is very often explained as simply as our complex society will allow.

Judgment

Neutral Citation Number: [2012] EWHC 2157

Case No: CO/2350/2011

IN THE HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE
QUEEN’S BENCH DIVISION
DIVISIONAL COURT
Royal Courts of Justice
Strand, London, WC2A 2LL
Date: 27/07/2012

Before :
THE LORD CHIEF JUSTICE OF ENGLAND AND WALES
MR JUSTICE OWEN
MR JUSTICE GRIFFITH WILLIAMS
———————

Between :
Paul Chambers
- and -
Director of Public Prosecutions
Appellant
Respondent
———————
———————
John Cooper QC and Sarah Przybylska (instructed by David Allen Green Preiskel & Co LLP) for the Appellant

Robert Smith QC (instructed by Director of Public Prosecutions) for the Respondent

Hearing date: 27th June 2012
———————
Approved Judgment
Paul Chambers v DPP
Judgment Approved by the court for handing down.

The Lord Chief Justice of England and Wales, Lord Judge:
This is the judgment of the Court.

Introduction
1.     This is an appeal by way of case stated from the decision of the Crown Court at Doncaster (Her Honour Judge Davies and Justices) on 3rd March 2011 upholding the conviction of the appellant in the Magistrates Court for sending by a public electronic communication network a message of a “menacing character” contrary to s.127(1)(a) and (3) of the Communications Act 2003 (the Act).
2.     Section 127 of the Act addresses the problem of the unlawful use of the public electronic communications network. It provides:
“(1) A person is guilty of an offence if he –
(a) sends by means of a public electronic communications network a message or other matter that is grossly offensive or of an indecent, obscene or menacing character; or
(b) causes any such message or matter to be so sent.
(2) A person is guilty of an offence if, for the purpose of causing annoyance, inconvenience or needless anxiety to
another, he -
(a) sends by means of a public electronic communications network, a message that he knows to be false,
(b) causes such a message to be sent; or
(c) persistently makes use communications network. of a public electronic
(3) A person guilty of an offence under this section shall be liable, on summary conviction, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months or to a fine not exceeding level 5 on the standard scale or to both. …”
3.
Section 32 of the Act provides that electronic communications network means:
“(a) a transmission system for the conveyance, by the use of electrical, magnetic or electro-magnetic energy, of signals of any description: and
(b) such of the following as are used, by the persons providing the system and in association with it, for the conveyance of the signals –
(i) apparatus comprised in the system;

(ii) apparatus used for the switching or routing of the signal;
and
(iii) software and stored data.
(2)     In this Act “electronic communications service” means a service consisting
in, or having as its principal feature, the conveyance by means of an electronic communications network of signals, except in so far as it is a content service…
(3)     In this Act –
a)
References to the provision of an electronic communications network include references to its establishment, maintenance or operation …
(7) In sub-section (2) “a content service” means so much of any service as consists in one or both of the following –
(a)     (b)
4.
The provision of material with a view to its being comprised in signals conveyed by means of an electronic communications network; The exercise of editorial control over the contents of signals conveyed by means of such a network.
Section 151(1) is an interpretation section. It provides
(1) In this Chapter …
“Public electronic communications network” means an electronic communications network provided wholly or mainly for the purpose of making electronic communications services available to members of the public;
“Public electronic communications service” means any electronic communications service that is provided so as to be available for use by members of the public;”.
The facts
5.     We take the essential facts from the case stated.
6.     The appellant was 26 years old at the time with which the court is concerned, a well educated young man of previous good character, holding a responsible job as an administration and finance supervisor.
7.     The appellant was, and is, a registered user of the “Twitter” social networking platform, owned and operated by Twitter Inc., an American Corporation, typically accessed by a registered user by means of the internet. “Twitter” was not invented until 2006, that is after the enactment of the Act, but, as is the way with modern means of communication, its daily use by millions of people throughout the world has rocketed.
8.     Each registered user adopts a unique user name or “Twitter handle”. The appellant used his own name for this purpose and was registered as “@PaulJChambers”, with a personal photograph as his account picture.
9.     In very brief terms “Twitter” enables its users to post messages (of no more than 140 characters) on the “Twitter” interne and other sites. Such messages are called “tweets”. “Tweets” include expressions of opinion, assertions of fact, gossip, jokes (bad ones as well as good ones), descriptions of what the user is or has been doing, or where he has been, or intends to go. Effectively it may communicate any information at all that the user wishes to send, and for some users, at any rate, it represents no more and no less than conversation without speech.
10.     Those who use “Twitter” can be “followed” by other users and “Twitter” users often enter into conversations or dialogues with other “Twitter” users. Depending on how a user posts his “tweets”, they can become available for others to read. A “public time line” of a user shows the most recent “tweets”. Unless they are addressed as a direct message to another “Twitter” user or users, in which case the message will only be seen by the user posting the “tweet”, and the specific user or users to whom it is addressed, the followers of a “Twitter” user are able to access his or her messages. Accordingly most “tweets” remain visible to the user and his/her followers for a short while, until they are replaced by more recently posted “tweets”. As every “Twitter” user appreciates or should appreciate, it is possible for non-followers to access these “public time lines” and they, too, can then read the messages. It is also possible for non-users to use the “Twitter” search facility to find “tweets” of possible interest to them.
11.     Using “Twitter” the appellant met another user of “Twitter”, identified as “Crazy Colours”, on line. She is a woman who lives in Northern Ireland. They started communicating using “Twitter”, and a romance developed. The appellant was due to fly to Belfast from Doncaster Robin Hood Airport to meet “Crazycolours” on 15 January 2010.
12.     On 6 January 2010, following an alert on “Twitter”, the appellant became aware of problems at Doncaster, Robin Hood Airport, due to adverse weather conditions. He and Crazycolours had a dialogue on “Twitter”. Two messages were referred to in the Crown Court. They were:

“@ Crazycolours: I was thinking that if it does then I had decided to resort to terrorism”:
“@ Crazycolours: That’s the plan! I am sure the pilots will be expecting me to demand a more exotic location than NI”.

In context, this seems to have been a reference to the possibility of the airport closing, but the picture was incomplete because no reply from Crazycolours was produced. Some two hours later, when he heard that the airport had closed, he posted the following message:

“Crap! Robin Hood Airport is closed. You’ve got a week and a bit to get your shit together otherwise I am blowing the airport sky high!!”

The message was posted onto the public time line, which meant that it was available to be read by some 600, or so, of the followers of his “Twitter” postings.
13.     There was no evidence before the Crown Court to suggest that any of the followers of the appellant’s “tweet”, or indeed anyone else who may have seen the “tweet” posted on the appellant’s time line, found it to be of a menacing character or, at a time when the threat of terrorism is real, even minimally alarming. In fact nothing was done about it by anyone until 11 January 2010, some five days later when the duty manager responsible for security at Robin Hood Airport, while off duty at home, found it. Mr Duffield did not see this “tweet” on the appellant’s time line, and it was never sent to him or to the airport. Rather he was at home searching generally for any “tweets” which referred to Robin Hood Airport. In cross examination he said that he did not know whether the “tweet” was a joke or not, but as even a joke could cause major disruption it had to be investigated. Accordingly he referred the “tweet” to his manager, Mr Armson. Mr Armson was responsible for deciding whether any
perceived threat to the airport should be graded as “credible” or “non-credible”. If “credible”, it was to be referred immediately to the Ministry of Defence, but if “non-credible”, as a matter of standard practice it was to be reported to the airport police. Mr Armson examined the appellant’s “tweet”. He regarded it as “non-credible”, not least because it featured the appellant’s name and, as he noted, the appellant was due to fly from the airport in the near future. Nevertheless in accordance with airport procedure he passed this “tweet” to the airport police. The airport police themselves took no action, presumably for exactly the same reason, but they decided to refer the matter on to the South Yorkshire police.
14.     The South Yorkshire police arrested the appellant, while he was at work, two days later, on 13 January on suspicion of involvement in a bomb hoax. It was now seven days since the offending message was “tweeted”. The appellant was interviewed under caution. When interviewed, and indeed in his evidence, the appellant repeatedly asserted that this “tweet” was a joke or meant to be a joke and not intended to be menacing. He said that he did not see any risk at all that it would be regarded as menacing, and that if he had, he would not have posted it. In interview he was asked whether some people might get a bit jumpy and responded “yah. Hmm mmm”.
15.     On 10 February 2010, when the police investigation was completed, one of the investigating officers recorded the following observation on the South Yorkshire Police Crime Management System:

“Male detained re making threats to Doncaster Robin Hood Airport. The male in question has been bailed and his phone/computer has been seized – there is no evidence at this stage to suggest that there is anything other than a foolish comment posted on “Twitter” as a joke for only his close friends to see.”

16.     The police sought the advice of the Crown Prosecution Service. As a result the appellant was charged with the offence of which he now stands convicted.
17. On the basis of these facts the Crown Court was “satisfied” that the message in question was “menacing per se”. The court took the view “that an ordinary person seeing the “tweet” would see it in that way and be alarmed. The airport staff did see it and were sufficiently concerned to report it”.
18.     The Crown Court went on to hold “that the required mens rea … is that the person sending the message must have intended the message to be menacing, or be aware that it might be taken to be so …” The court was satisfied that the appellant was, at the very least, aware that his message was of a menacing character.
19.     The Crown Court posed the following very wide ranging issues for the decision of the High Court:

“THE QUESTIONS FOR THE HIGH COURT
(1)      In order to prove that a message is “of a menacing character” within the meaning of Section 127(1)(a) (read according to conventional canons of construction or with the benefit of Article 10 ECHR and Section 3 of the Human Rights Act 1998) is the prosecution required to prove, as part of the actus reus of the offence, that the person sending the message intended, “to create a fear in or through the recipient” (per Sedley LJ in Collins supra) or, were we correct to conclude that the question whether a message if “of a menacing character” is an objective question of fact for the Court to determine?
1(a) In order to prove that a message is of a “menacing character” within the meaning of Section 127(1)(a) (read according to conventional canons of construction or with the benefit of Article 10 ECHR and Section 3 of the Human Rights Act 1998), is the Prosecution required to prove that the person sending the message intended to create a fear in or through the recipient (Sedley L.J., in
Collins supra, having defined a menacing message as “a message that conveys a threat … which seeks to create a fear in or through the recipient that something
unpleasant is likely to happen”) or were we correct to conclude that the question of whether a message is “of a menacing character” is an objective question of fact for the Court to determine applying the standards of an open and just society and taking account of the words, context and all relevant circumstances?
1(b) Is the actus reus of the offence (Lord Bingham in Collins supra), ‘the sending of a message of the proscribed character by the defined means’, as we found, or does the actus reus include a requirement that the person sending the message intended the message to ‘create a fear in or through the recipient’?

(2)     What is the mens rea for an offence of sending a message of menacing character contrary to Section 127(1)(a)? In particular:
(a)      Is Section 127(1)(a) (read according to convention canons of construction or with the benefit of Article 10 ECHR and Section 3 of the Human Rights Act
1998) a crime of specific intent?
(b)      Is the Prosecution required to prove as part of the mens rea of the offence that the person sending the message intended to put another person in fear?
(c)      If the answer to (b) is no, is it sufficient for the Prosecution to prove that the person sending the message realised that his message may or might be
taken as menacing, or must the prosecution prove that he realised that it would be taken as menacing by a person of reasonable firmness aware of all the
relevant circumstances?
(3)     Did the Court act lawfully (within the meaning of Section 6 of the Human Rights Act 1998) in convicting and sentencing the Appellant as it did? In particular:
(a)     Did the Appellant’s act in posting the message engage his right to freedom of expression under
Article 10(1) ECHR?
(b)      If so, did his conviction and sentence amount to an ‘interference’ with the exercise of that right?
(c)      If so, was that interference necessary in a democratic society for one of the reasons listed in Article 10(2)?
(4)      In all the circumstances, was the Court correct to conclude that the message sent by the Appellant crossed the threshold of gravity necessary to constitute a message ‘of a menacing character’ so as to amount to a criminal
offence within the meaning of Section 127(1)(a) and (3) and was the Court correct to convict the appellant on the evidence and sentence him as it did?”
20. We propose only to deal with the issues necessary to decide this appeal.

Public electronic communications network
21. It was agreed before the magistrates that the appellant’s message was sent using the “Twitter” social networking site which fell within the description of a “public electronic communications network”. It was, however, a ground of appeal to the Crown Court that the message was not sent by a public electronic communications network. By the date of the hearing in the Crown Court there was a formal admission in these terms:

“Twitter is a privately owned company which operates via a public electronic communications network. Messages which are posted on the Public Timeline of Twitter are accessible to all those who have access to the internet”.

Nevertheless Mr John Cooper QC on behalf of the appellant sought to argue that the appellant’s message was not sent by means of a “public electronic communications network”. He submitted that this was a “tweet” found by means of a subsequent search, and so should be treated as no more than “content” created and published on a social media platform rather than a message sent by means of a communications network. It would, he submitted, be a dangerous development to extend the ambit of s.127(1) of the Act to “Twitter”. He relied on the words used by Lord Bingham of Cornhill in the context of “grossly offensive” telephone messages under consideration in Director of Public Prosecution v Collins [2006] 1 WLR 308 (Divisional Court) and [2006] 1 WLR 2223 (House of Lords) that the section addressed “a service provided and funding by the public for the benefit of the public”. Therefore, he contended, the section was primarily concerned with such messages sent by the telephone system and so with voice telephony.
22.     When we examined the issue in argument, Mr Cooper accepted that a message on public “Twitter” is accessible to all who have access to the internet, and therefore, by inference, to the public, or to that vast section of the public which included anyone who chose to access a timeline consisting of any of the posted key words by use of a search engine.
23.     In her judgment in the Crown Court Judge Davies addressed this issue when rejecting a submission that there was “no case” for the appellant to answer. She said:

“The “Twitter” website although privately owned cannot, as we understand it, operate save through the internet, which is plainly a public electronic network provided for the public and paid for by the public through the various service providers we are all familiar with … The internet is widely available to the public and funded by the public and without it facilities such as “Twitter” would not exist. The fact that it is a private company in our view is irrelevant; the mechanism by which it was sent was a public electronic network and within the statutory definition … “Twitter”, as we all know is widely used by individuals and organisations to disseminate and receive information. In our judgment, it is inconceivable that grossly offensive, indecent, obscene or menacing messages sent in this way would not be potentially unlawful”

24. We agree with this approach. As Mr Robert Smith QC submitted on behalf of the Crown, the potential recipients of the message were the public as a whole, consisting of all sections of society. It is immaterial that the appellant may have intended only that his message should be read by a limited class of people, that is, his followers, who, knowing him, would be neither fearful nor apprehensive when they read it.
25. In our judgment, whether one reads the “tweet” at a time when it was read as
“content” rather than “message”, at the time when it was posted it was indeed “a
message” sent by an electronic communications service for the purposes of s.127(1). Accordingly “Twitter” falls within its ambit. We can now come to the heart of the case.

Actus Reus
26.     This is the first occasion when this court has been required to address the ingredients of the offence created by s.127(1) of the 2003 Act in the context of messages of a menacing character. As we have seen, however, the section has been considered in the context of “grossly offensive” messages in Director of Public Prosecutions v Collins.
27.     It is perhaps difficult for anyone nowadays to remember the time when the telephone system was at the forefront of communications technology of which “Twitter” is a modern example. Nevertheless as long ago as the Post Office (Amendment Act) 1935, s.10(2)(a) introduced a prohibition against the misuse of the telephone to communicate indecent, obscene or menacing messages, and because of the limited technology available at the time, these messages would largely be communicated to a single, often deliberately targeted recipient like telephone operators, who were subjected to indecent, obscene or menacing messages. Unsurprisingly, no one thought that was appropriate and statutory prohibitions against such messages were accordingly introduced. Section 127(1) of the Act has simply updated the protection to be provided from the misuse of technology. This once took the form of a telephone system and has now advanced to the present electric communications networks which, notwithstanding that “Twitter” was not invented at the date when the 2003 Act came into force, includes messages of the proscribed description sent by “Twitter”.
28.     The 2003 Act did not create some newly minted interference with the first of President Roosevelt’s essential freedoms – freedom of speech and expression.
Satirical, or iconoclastic, or rude comment, the expression of unpopular or unfashionable opinion about serious or trivial matters, banter or humour, even if
distasteful to some or painful to those subjected to it should and no doubt will continue at their customary level, quite undiminished by this legislation. Given the submissions by Mr Cooper, we should perhaps add that for those who have the inclination to use “Twitter” for the purpose, Shakespeare can be quoted unbowdlerised, and with Edgar, at the end of King Lear, they are free to speak not what they ought to say, but what they feel.
29.     It is elementary, and unsurprisingly there was no dispute before us, that the offence of which the appellant was convicted cannot be proved unless the content of the message was of a “menacing character”. Given that there is “disappointingly little coherence in English law’s approach to threat offences” (Smith and Hogan’s Criminal Law, 13th edition, at p951) we do not think that an analysis of the numerous other offences based on threats, including blackmail, takes the interpretation of this statutory provision any further. We were told that the word “menace” is defined in the shorter Oxford dictionary as “a thing threatening danger or catastrophe; a dangerous or obnoxious thing or person; a great inconvenience”, and that as an intransitive verb, to “menace” was to “utter menaces; be threatening”. Mr Smith submitted that no more, and no less, was needed than the application of ordinary language to the context in which any particular message was expressed and to all the relevant circumstances. Mr Cooper suggested that for a message to be of a menacing character it must, on an
objective assessment, contain a threat of such a nature and extent that the mind of an ordinary person of normal stability and courage might be influenced or made apprehensive. Our attention was drawn to DPP v Collins, in the Divisional Court, while considering the meaning to be given to “grossly offensive” within the section, Sedley LJ identified the four different classes of message proscribed by s.127(1)(a). In the context of a menacing message he observed:

“… fairly plainly, is a message which conveys a threat – in other words, which seeks to create a fear in or through the recipient that something unpleasant is going to happen”.

30.     The attraction of the argument, implicit in the development of Mr Cooper’s submission, that it is a necessary requirement of this offence that the message must be credible as an immediate threat to the mind of an ordinary person of normal stability and courage does not quite penetrate to the heart of the problem. The telephone operator in the 1930s and 1940s may not have believed that the person using the telephone to threaten violence would or could implement the threat, but that would not extinguish its menacing character. After all a message which cannot or is unlikely to be implemented may nevertheless create a sense of apprehension or fear in the person who receives or reads it. However unless it does so, it is difficult to see how it can sensibly be described as a message of a menacing character. So, if the person or persons who receive or read it, or may reasonably be expected to receive, or read it, would brush it aside as a silly joke, or a joke in bad taste, or empty bombastic or ridiculous banter, then it would be a contradiction in terms to describe it as a message of a menacing character. In short, a message which does not create fear or apprehension in those to whom it is communicated, or who may reasonably expected to see it, falls outside this provision, for the very simple reason that the message lacks menace.
31.     Before concluding that a message is criminal on the basis that it represents a menace, its precise terms, and any inferences to be drawn from its precise terms, need to be examined in the context in and the means by which the message was sent. The Crown Court was understandably concerned that this message was sent at a time when, as we all know, there is public concern about acts of terrorism and the continuing threat to the security of the country from possible further terrorist attacks. That is plainly relevant to context, but the offence is not directed to the inconvenience which may be caused by the message. In any event, the more one reflects on it, the clearer it becomes that this message did not represent a terrorist threat, or indeed any other form of threat. It was posted on “Twitter” for widespread reading, a conversation piece for the appellant’s followers, drawing attention to himself and his predicament. Much more significantly, although it purports to address “you”, meaning those responsible for the airport, it was not sent to anyone at the airport or anyone responsible for airport security, or indeed any form of public security. The grievance addressed by the message is that the airport is closed when the writer wants it to be open. The language and punctuation are inconsistent with the writer intending it to be or to be taken as a serious warning. Moreover, as Mr Armson noted, it is unusual for a threat of a terrorist nature to invite the person making it to ready identified, as this message did. Finally, although we are accustomed to very brief messages by terrorists to indicate that a bomb or explosive device has been put in place and will detonate shortly, it is difficult to image a serious threat in which warning of it is given to a large number of tweet “followers” in ample time for the threat to be reported and extinguished.
32.     It seems to us unsurprising, but not irrelevant, that none of those who read the message during the first days after it appeared thought anything of it. In our view, the Crown Court read too much into the observation of Lord Bingham in his judgment in the House of Lords that the criminality of the sender cannot depend upon whether a message is received by A or by A’s reaction. Lord Bingham was saying no more than that a message proved by an objective assessment, applying the standards of an open and multi-racial society to be of a prescribed kind, does not cease to be so just because it was not received or because the person who received it was not, in the context of the present prosecution, menaced. The effect of the message on those who read it is not excluded from the consideration. Among the many followers who would have read the appellant’s “tweet” there would surely have been some who would have
reported such a threat if any one of them thought it was to be taken even half
seriously. It is not, of course, a requirement of this offence that the threat should
immediately have been reported to the police, but given the nature of the “threat”, namely, that an airport would be blown up, it would be surprising if the reasonable member of the public of normal fortitude, alert to the risks of terrorism faced by our society, would have chosen to ignore it. More important, because they would have been quite uninfluenced by their knowledge of the appellant deduced from his previous messages, the two gentlemen responsible for the safety of the airport showed no anxiety or urgency in dealing with it. It was treated and addressed as if it was not a credible threat. The airport police took no action. No evidence was provided to suggest that even minimal consequential protective measures were taken at the airport, or that the level of perceived threat was heightened. Indeed, notwithstanding the nature of the “threat”, we can detect no urgent response to it. Police action was not exactly hurried. After the investigation, the South Yorkshire Police concluded that the appellant presented no threat. Although this conclusion reflected the outcome of
the investigation rather than the immediate reaction to the text of the message, it was in fact entirely consistent with the attitude and approach of those who had seen the message before the investigation began.
33.     We are of course well aware that the Crown Court concluded, as a matter of fact, that the message sent by the appellant was of a menacing character. Proper respect must be paid to such a finding. However, the findings do not address the unbroken pattern of evidence to be derived from the responses of those who read or must have read the message before the South Yorkshire Police investigated it. No weight appears to have been given to the lack of urgency which characterised the approach of the authorities to this problem, while the fact that those responsible for security at the airport decided to report it at all, which was treated as a significant feature, rather overlooked that this represented compliance with their duties rather than their alarmed response to the message. By contrast, disproportionate weight seemed to be placed on the response of the appellant in interview to how “some” people might react, without recognising that the care needed to approach such a widely phrased question in context. The response was part of the interview as a whole, when looking back at what the appellant admitted he had done and his assertions that it was a joke. The question based on what “some” people might think embraced everyone, included those who might lack reasonable fortitude. This entirely equivocal response added nothing which supported the contention that the message was of a menacing character.
34. We have concluded that, on an objective assessment, the decision of the Crown Court that this “tweet” constituted or included a message of a menacing character was not open to it. On this basis, the appeal against conviction must be allowed.

Mens rea
35.     As the message lacked the characteristic required for the purposes of this offence, the issue of the appellant’s state of mind when he sent it, and whether it was criminal, does not arise for decision. We shall therefore deal very briefly with this question.
36.     By contrast with the offences to be found in s.127(1)(b) of the Act and s.1 of the Malicious Communications Act 1988 which require the defendant to act with a specific purpose in mind, and therefore with a specific intent, no express provision is made in s.127(1)(a) for mens rea. It is therefore an offence of basic intent. That intent was examined by the House of Lords in DPP v Collins. While it is true that the examination was directed to grossly offensive messages, it would be quite unrealistic for the mens rea required for the different classes of behaviour prohibited by the same statutory provision to be different in principle, the one from the other, or on the basis of some artificial distinction between the method of communication employed on the particular occasion. In consequence we are unable to accept that it must be proved that, before it can be stigmatised as criminal, the sender of the message must intend to threaten the person to whom it was or was likely to be communicated, or that such a specific purpose is a necessary ingredient of the offence. That would, in effect involve an offence of specific intent which Parliament elected not to create.
37.     In DPP v Collins, Lord Bingham emphasised that:

“… Parliament cannot have intended to criminalise the conduct of a person using language which is, for reasons unknown to him, grossly offensive to those to whom it relates, or which may even be thought, however wrongly, to represent a polite or acceptable usage”.

He continued:
“On the other hand, a culpable state of mind will ordinarily be found where a message is couched in terms showing an intention to insult those to whom the message relates or giving rise to the inference that a risk of doing so must have been recognised by the sender. The same will be true where facts known to the sender of the message about an intended recipient render the message peculiarly offensive to that recipient, or likely to be so, whether or not the message in fact reaches the recipient”.

38. We agree with the submission by Mr Robert Smith QC that the mental element of the offence is satisfied if the offender is proved to have intended that the message should be of a menacing character (the most serious form of the offence) or alternatively, if he is proved to have been aware of or to have recognised the risk at the time of sending the message that it may create fear or apprehension in any reasonable member of the public who reads or sees it. We would merely emphasise that even expressed in these terms, the mental element of the offence is directed exclusively to the state of the mind of the offender, and that if he may have intended the message as a joke, even if a poor joke in bad taste, it is unlikely that the mens rea required before conviction for the offence of sending a message of a menacing character will be established. The appeal against conviction will be allowed on the basis that this “tweet” did not constitute or include a message of a menacing character; we cannot usefully take this aspect of the appeal further.

Bespoke shoes for posh boys

A handful of summers ago ago I chanced upon the acquaintance of a very fine cobbler, at a solstice party organised by mutual friends. Each year hence I have attended this event and set to the merriment with all the guests, sharing food, pulling the tug-of-war rope, avoiding the football and burning the wicker being. It is a very odd thing to make new friendships based on only an annual meeting but that is what has happened. Consequently, Cobbler Tim and his family have become my friends.

At the summer solstice before last, Tim invited me to stay with him in London to film him in the exercise of his craft. Despite being a vegetarian and radical, I leapt at the chance. Although I have profound misgivings about shoes being drawn from the hide of a sentient beast, I have to admit that I wear leather boots myself. Though my mountaineering footwear is of high quality, it is of the poorest nature in comparison with Tim’s workmanship. He has asked me to refrain from revealing the identity of his employer (a confidence I prefer to respect) but suffice it to say that the fees paid for bespoke shoes of this order can only be afforded by the richest people on the planet.

Shoes of this ilk are rarely made in modernity and even less understood. It would be false to claim that Tim’s craft is dying but neverthless it is far less common than hitherto. The days of mass production are truly upon us. That is true for everything we touch, taste or hear. It is as true for shoes as it is for ideas. Therefore, the shoe can be seen as a symbol for our loss of appreciation for specialty in our every day lives. Where once an original concept or idea was typical, we now find only endless copies of everything else. Our life political is a clone of our life commercial and the poorer for it. When last did you hear an original argument? When last, a new idea?

Fitting then that the shoemaker’s talk is endlessly referenced by “The Last”. It seems to be the building block to which these works of art cling, yet also a tool in its creation and also a process by which they come into being. This task of Tim’s is time embodied into a labour of love, in which no corner can be cut, no compromise made, no effort too burdensome. It was an absolute joy to behold in person. I hope that you too will find it equally stimulating. It is the story of people with time on their hands to wait for what they seek. These people are the privileged few. Whilst we might wish that their pleasure becomes the mainstay of us all, in the meantime we are reduced to watching their shoes being made and wondering about the owners of the feet that go into them.

Does Brighton & Hove Labour Party prefer petitions to participatory democracy?

The Green administration in Brighton & Hove is consulting as never before. Pretty much everything that can benefit from a public consultation is subjected to one. There’s currently 13 consultative processes, all of which you can participate in online:

It’s a simple idea, getting the public to join in with political discussions before decisions get made. Encouraging public engagement with politics has been a mission inside the Green movement from long before their recent modest political successes. Most Green Party activists live according to the motto, “be the change you want to see“. In other words, they live a lifestyle which challenges the way the human population does its business with the planet. Aside from lessening their own harm, they seek to encourage others to do likewise, in the hope that we will achieve what is called One Planet living: whereby humans will only require one planet to live on. At current levels of resource depletion, we need three and a half. Trouble is, we’ve only got one! Having obtained power in Brighton & Hove, the Greens are promoting consultations like no party ever before them.

Labour activists have criticised this approach. “Oh no, another consultation“, groans their twitter feeds, “can’t the Greens make any decision for themselves?” The traditional Labour view of politics has been that a party sets out its stall, invites the voters to browse its wares and then carries out its policy when elected. There’s a great deal of common sense in this approach and, of course, they still perform the consultations required on them by law. The accusations levelled at the last Labour government, that they stopped listening to the consultative processes and just went through the motions, were unfair. They did what they were elected to do. Apart from the illegal war, of course, and let’s face it, they did hold that infamous Parliamentary debate before that. That was the first time that Parliament had ever been consulted like that before going to war. Nevertheless, Labour’s general position is that the Greens should stop faffing around with public money on consultations and become more ‘decisive’.

The Greens counter that with so many wares on the stall, it is impossible to be certain that the electorate is in favour of all of them. More importantly, no-one has a monopoly on political wisdom and the consultation process allows the possibility that something previously not considered can emerge. Nowadays that is called crowd sourcing.

Petitioning the council is another time honoured method for the public to make their views known. Putting signatures to a definite statement carries weight in our democratic system. If people are prepared to sign something, they may well vote for the people who raise the petition. It can be a successful political tactic.

Thus Labour and the Tories in Brighton are avidly collecting signatures for all sorts of issues. Some of these are completely spurious, opposing cuts to things which have no threat of cuts. This is one of the oldest tricks in the book. “Look, I saved X, Y & Z by my successful campaign“, it says later on election leaflets. Petitions have the distinct advantage of clarity: their point is usually very specific. They need not be raised by party political activists either, though that is far more common. Consequently, if a Tory presents a petition to the council with a couple of hundred signatures, the natural suspicion of everyone else is that they have simply rounded up all their party members. To be successful, petitioners need to show that they command much broader support. For some reason, the Tories don’t seem to be able to do that as often as Labour activists.

Petitions can be raised at any time. Recently, the opposition have taken to raising petitions in Brighton & Hove after consultation periods have ended. This begs the question as whether it isn’t just a cynical exercise? It would appear that they have deliberately waited until council tax payers’ money has been expended on the consultation, decisions have been taken and only then launched their campaign, certain in the knowledge that it will meet with political opposition. This isn’t assisting the public in engaging in dialogue with their council, this is storing up points to score in the next election.

Artist's impression of The Level in Brighton after reorganisation

Artist’s impression of The Level in Brighton after the proposed reorganisation. Click to enlarge.

By way of example, a Labour Party activist, Mr Morris, recently presented 3,000 signatures to the City Council against the proposals to reorganise The Level. This decision was taken after a lengthy consultation, which the public was thoroughly encouraged to participate in. 3,330 people did; 85% of them lived within 15 minutes’ walk of the The Level. Submissions could be made online and on paper, either by post or at various public buildings. Meetings were held. 55% of all the people who engaged with that process were in favour of the plans approved by Green Party councillor Pete West, whose responsibility the decision was.

In a startling proof of his principles, Mr West was personally against the plans he has approved. Grants are being applied for to pay for the reorganisation. Mr West thinks that the grant making bodies are unlikely to approve anything which doesn’t meet with majority public support. The Level has become somewhat dilapidated and is in need of renovation. The approved plan includes a proper sunken skate park as the centrepiece of the Level.

The Level is often said to be the most dangerous place in Brighton at night. I’ve slept there a few times myself but that isn’t proof of anything, of course. The existing skate park is rubbish and frequently overcrowded; we got less than half of what we campaigned for many years ago, after Labour decided to do ‘something for the youth’. Anything which encourages its use on a less scary basis has got to be good. Skating is excellent. Why do people look down on kids pursuing this sport? Healthy, outdoors, keeping people on the streets, keeping them safe. What’s not to like?

For our local skaters, heaven may be a half pipe but they deserve so much more. What with all that talk of religion locally recently, it is clearly time for a song!

Doubtless, the 3,000 signatories feel very strongly about the proposals. Perhaps they did participate in the consultation? Perhaps they didn’t?

The plain fact is that Mr Morris has simply waited until it was too late and then brought his petition. This isn’t helping the public, it’s helping himself (or his comrades) to present a case for the next election. He was previously a candidate in the local ward, St Peter’s and North Laine.

Brighton's proposed new skatepark at The Level, opposed by the Labour Party.

Brighton’s proposed new skatepark at The Level. Click to enlarge.

Public Consultation on 20mph limit in Brighton & Hove

The Green administration in Brighton & Hove is on the brink of implementing a long sought after change in the local road traffic regulations: introducing a 20mph speed limit. The Tories say that they will support it so long as it doesn’t harm business. Labour says the police have said it will not be enforceable. I contacted the police some time ago to ask about that alleged response and they denied it. Sussex Police have confirmed that they will play their part enforcing any such new rule.

The idea is to improve safety and quality of life for residents and people working in or visiting the city. Making the streets safer and more pleasant to use will encourage more cycling and walking. This will not only bring road safety benefits, but will also help to reduce congestion, improve air quality and improve overall health and wellbeing. Owing to the size of the area, it is intended to implement the scheme over the next three years. Here is a map of the staged implementation – click on the image to enlarge it.

Map of proposed areas for each stage of the implementation of a 20mph road traffic speed limit in Brighton & Hove.

Map of stage 1, 2 & 3 of staged implementation of 20mph limit. Click to enlarge.

The proposals will include most of the residential and shopping streets, while most major roads will remain at 30mph. This is to ensure that limits are realistic without the need for extensive traffic calming – although there may be a requirement to install traffic calming or additional signs in some residential streets to reduce speeds in the future. No options have been ruled out. All views during a public consultation, which you can participate in online! It’s pretty much a one question consultation – whether you support the plan or not? There are the usual survey questions as well, about what sort of person you are and whether you run a business or not. Also you have to submit your postcode but everything remains private.

The fact is that Brighton & Hove’s traffic rarely moves faster than 20mph in the main areas and it is dangerous to drive at 30mph in the residential areas. Limiting the speed to 20mph everywhere will not make any substantial difference to anyone, except for those people (Especially on bicycles!) which are hurt in road traffic accidents.

Steve Ovett finally accepts a plaudit

Steve Ovett - great and modest

Steve Ovett – great and modest

Steve Ovett is the most famous son of Brighton. His record breaking running career is detailed elsewhere, at length. He was particularly famous for his “kick”, his ability to suddenly produce a burst of extraordinary speed at the end of a long race. The media made much of his supposed rivalry with Sebastian Coe. After their respective running careers ended, Coe went into politics and Ovett went into charity work. Whilst no-one could ignore Coe’s talent for self-publicity – it is oddly difficult to shift the mental image which William Hague put into our minds, with the two of them rolling around on the floor in judo costumes, locked in a sweaty embrace – Ovett has cut a far more modest figure. That’s because the one condition he has set for all the charity work he has done has been that his name was never attached to the effort. He has always been only ever the surprise guest. In life then as on the track, Ovett has run a remarkable race, and led us all.

Ovett used to train by running around my first local park, Preston Park. That’s where I learnt to ride a bicycle. Nowadays a measured mile is laid out around the park, in the name of peace. When I was a kid, Ovett was carving his footprints into the chalky soil there. He lived a few streets away. An old school friend was in his running club. Inspired, I turned up and ran hopelessly behind them. When I finally caught up, they were stretched out on the grass in the park, sipping their orange juices. Everything he said that afternoon was understated, warm and supportive. He was quite unlike what television had taught to me to expect from a sporting hero. He suggested that running might not be my strongest talent but if I enjoyed it, that didn’t matter.

In 1987 a privately funded bronze statue of the great man was unveiled in Preston Park. Personally, I found the thing risible. It didn’t look like Ovett and was way shorter than him. It depicted him in a running position, with only one foot on the ground. Six weeks later it was broken off at the ankle. It was later restored but in 2007 it was broken off at the ankle again and stolen, presumably for its scrap value. Yesterday, a new statue by the same sculptor was unveiled on Brighton Seafront and Brighton & Hove City Council granted Ovett the Freedom of the City. It is rare for him to accept a formal honour like this. He said, “I am totally humbled by it because I did not expect anything like this.

Green Party call councillor to disciplinary panel

Last night I attended a meeting of Green councillors in Brighton & Hove. As a party member I have a constitutional right to attend these meetings. Since the party has won power in the City, they have had much to discuss which for very good legal reasons must remain confidential. Consequently, part of each meeting is now held in private. Following my post on the last occasion I attended one of these meetings, there was evident unease about my presence in the room.

With an injured foot, I walked several miles to get to the meeting. My hobbling was slower than expected and I was a little late. When I arrived I found the Green councillors listening to a lengthy sermon by Anthea Ballam. She’s a long standing Green Party activist who commands much respect, attention and affection both inside and outside the party. She’s also an interfaith minister. That means she’s a sort of freelance religious speaker. She’ll rock up at anything and talk nicely about whatever faith is required. For some reason beyond my ken, our local Green councillors wanted to listen to her at such length last night that they couldn’t complete all the business on their agenda. The issues pushed off the timetable by this religious episode were really serious. If they want to listen to preachers, can they not find space and time in their own lives, rather than derailing a political meeting to do it?

Ms Ballam’s 40 minute sermon concentrated on bigging up the contribution to the community by the religious folk in the City, declaring that the Green councillors were all in their flock and the dangerous nature of atheism. One of her constant themes was that all atheists are white middle class opportunists attacking their own community. She spoke at length about the resurgence of atheism post 9/11, describing it as a sudden and convenient phenomenon and driven entirely by white male middle class intellectuals. She detailed the crimes crimes committed by communist regimes. This was not an inclusive sermon, this was a blatant attack on non-believers. She focused her conclusions on a very wise and oft-tended religious theme: forgiveness.

Regular readers will know that I set up the part of the legal team in Occupy London which defended the encampment from eviction. Due to its location in St Paul’s Churchyard, we attracted a very high number of religious activists. By the time I quit the scene (in mid-December, when it became clear that Occupy was incapable of any form of strategic or political decision making), the whole thing had descended into a daily round of religious competition. I made friends with many of these folk. Some of them have been particularly effective activists. Some of them less so. I was very clear with all of them about my atheism. Nevertheless, I was repeatedly asked to join interfaith meetings. I’ll never forget one Church of England vicar, Adrian, the very spit of the holy men featured in the old Hammer House of Horror B-movies, declaring, “Atheists are welcome too!“, and shaking my hand in a vice grip so powerful I felt I might never type again.

Occupy may not have been very good at politics but it was excellent at social inclusivity. One of my new found friends, Tanya Paton, recently organised an activist’s pilgrimage to Canterbury. She also organised the already legendary Sermon on the Steps (my video at that link). So many preachers stood in line to speak on the steps of St Paul’s Cathedral that in the end they had to be turned away. 22 spoke in all. There were priests, vicars, imams, hindus, buddhists, pagans and yes, atheists too. Hell, there was even a Satanist! This extraordinary demonstration of unity across all the faiths and with those of none pushed the Bishop of London, Dr Chartres to change his attitude to us. He came to talk the following day (another video) and spent a considerable amount of time with us.

When Ms Ballam spoke of the need for forgiveness, she had the air of a school teacher lecturing a whole class, admonishing them about the risks of a collective crime not yet committed. To say it was heavy handed is being generous. Clearly, she wasn’t asking people to forgive atheists. She was very specific. She was asking people to forgive religious folk for anything they had done to offend the body politic. Although she had been invited to the meeting weeks ago, the context was strikingly clear.

Four days previously, Green Councillor Christina Summers had broken with party policy and her specific promises to her colleagues and voted against a motion in favour of single gender civil marriage rights. The motion was was brought to a full council meeting by the Labour Party, after the government’s consultation period on the issue had ended. In fact, Brighton & Hove City Council had already made a formal submission to the government on the matter, supporting the right of gays and lesbians to be allowed to enter such marriages. The submission was supported by all three parties on the council: Green, Labour and Conservative. Since there are currently no independent councillors, that meant the entire council already supported the motion. Labour Party sources claim that the motion was brought to show the unity of the council but they must have realised that Summers would vote against it and this would create trouble for the Greens. Fair enough. That’s politics.

Summers’ vote sparked a fire storm of anger inside the Green Party. I’ve been conspicuous in calling for her expulsion from the party. Many people support that call, including many of our councillors; they’ve confirmed this in private. The biggest view is that she should be expelled from the Green Group of councillors. A small minority feel that she should be allowed to continue as a member uninhibited by any disciplinary action whatsoever and free to promote her fundamentalist view of Christianity from her political office.

Although in my recent posts on Summer’s outlandish behaviour have concentrated on her religious motivation, that is not the cause of the anger inside the party. Personally, I wish it was. I would like my party to be a party of science, to draw its policies from evidence based learning and leave it at that. However, I am not a member of an atheist party, far from it.

The problem begins and ends with Summers’ political relationship with her councillor colleagues. She didn’t attend last night’s meeting but she has spoken to the local rag, the Brighton Argus, to whom she declared that she does not consider herself accountable first and foremost to her party. That is a big problem. Political parties can only operate successfully if there is a loyalty between their members and, in particular, loyalty to the platform their members are elected on. Without that, they cannot hope to obtain credibility with the electorate.

The Greens have positively encouraged diversity of opinion. Thus, I am free to write about whatever I like on this blog and still welcomed in the party. Frankly, after life in the Labour Party, it can feel very odd to find people I’ve heavily criticised choosing to go to the pub with me, chatting amiably about the issues that divide us and those that don’t and all the rest of it. No-one is ever ostracised for their views in our party. Those attitudes just don’t run in the Green blood. The problem is not concerned with Summer’s views, the precise nature of her faith or her religious motivation. The problem is that she has been elected to represent voters under the Green Party banner but has voted against party policy in strict breach of a written contract with the party which she signed.

Her view appears to be that she takes a different interpretation of the contract. Being a lawyer, I know that there is often room for interpretation of such things. However, the proper interpretation of the contract is clearly understood to sit with our party policy. We were the first mainstream party to declare support for ‘gay marriages’. Our record on such issues is impeccable, widely respected and very dear to us. This isn’t a side issue. It is one of our core policies. Before being accepted as a candidate, Summers was specifically asked by a formal party panel whether in the event of a conflict between her conscience and party policy she would vote with her conscience. She told the panel that she would vote with party policy. Assuming that she thought better of that agreement afterwards, she could have absented herself from the vote on Thursday. She could have abstained. Instead she turned up, made a speech and voted against every other councillor in the City!

After Ms Ballam’s sermon concluded, the Green councillors voted to exclude me from the meeting. Properly speaking the vote was to exclude people who were not members of the ‘Green Group of Councillors’. However, some others were allowed to remain. I understand the reasons for their inclusion. Without saying who they were and although annoyed at their privileges, I’m pleased that they were there. The issue on the table was Summers’ vote and the consequence. The motion being discussed was whether she should face any discipline from the party. The reason for the exclusion of myself and other party members was to prevent any report of the ensuing discussion to leak out. The councillors were considering whether to trigger a disciplinary panel. By excluding me, they prevented any risk of that panel being prejudiced by what I might write. That is absolutely right and proper. Anyone facing such a panel must have a fair hearing.

When the excluded were invited back into the room, we were informed that the Green councillors had decided to call Christina Summers to a disciplinary panel. It’s not actually called that, it’s called a Panel of Inquiry. That’s what our constitution calls it but everyone knows what it means. The panel members are also chosen by our constitutional rules. Summers must have realised that this would happen, when she cast her vote.

Update: the Brighton & Hove Green Party made an official statement on the matter, about four hours after this post was published. Here it is:

After a meeting of the Green Group of Councillors on Brighton & Hove City Council last night (Monday July 23, 2012), deputy convenor Councillor Phelim Mac Cafferty said, “Following the recent vote by Councillor Christina Summers on equal marriage [at a session of Brighton & Hove City Council], Green councillors met on Monday evening 23 July and requested that the party’s official inquiry process be initiated to ensure a fair, speedy and transparent outcome.

“It is for the inquiry panel to determine if any further action may be needed and it wouldn’t be appropriate to say any more at this stage.”

This is a process governed by the party’s constitution to ensure the rights of all party members are protected.