Category Archives: Law

Raping the facts about justice

This weekend the news was dominated by the tragic revelation that a woman committed suicide part-way through a trial over whether she had been indecently assaulted and raped. Unaware of her death, the jury convicted Michael Brewer of five indecent assaults and acquitted him of three similar charges and rape; he awaits his sentence. Commentators fell over themselves as they rushed to condemn the manner in which rape trials are conducted and, in particular, the way barristers do their jobs. The fact that the Brewer’s victim, Frances Andrade, chose to be cross-examined in open court and not via a CCTV screen, has largely been ignored. Her decision was inconvenient for their chosen polemics.

We are told that complainants feel like they are being raped all over again in trials. Undoubtedly, that is true in many cases. Let’s be absolutely clear about this. There can be no doubt whatsoever that having to recount in public the manner in which you have been raped is as traumatic as the rape itself. We are driven to this conclusion by reams of therapeutic evidence and by everything we ever hear from rape victims who go through trials.

However, it cannot be true in those cases where the complainant is lying. Some people tell lies in court. As a society, there is a very great taboo in discussing the fact that some women lie when making rape allegations. By and large, the media and our politicians are not interested in the facts of life about rape trials. For example, the established media endlessly repeats the myth that the conviction rate in rape cases is tiny. Actually the rape conviction rate is higher than it is for the average conviction rate for other reportable crimes. Unfortunately, those who pretend to inform us, tend to mislead us. Neither the established media nor our established political parties give a damn about the facts. All they seem to care about is a sudden surge in popularity.

How can we conduct these trials and still maintain a fair trial system? How can we provide emotional protection for the women making rape allegations and still allow a defence lawyer to test those allegations with detailed questioning? These are very difficult questions to answer. Cross-examination is at the heart of every trial. Without it, there cannot be a fair trial. If anyone tells you otherwise, suggest they go and observe a trial in a country where it isn’t allowed or is restricted. In Brewer’s case, the trial judge declared that the cross-examination was fair. Excepting the people who were uninvolved in the trial and watched the cross-examination in person and all the rest of the trial, no-one can usefully comment on that judicial opinion. We have to take it as it is. Clearly, the jury believed some of the victim’s allegations but were not sure beyond reasonable doubt about all of them. Therefore, the cross-examination was partially successful.

Of all the world’s legal systems, none has yet bettered the method we use: allowing detailed questioning of each witness. The entire point of such questioning is to draw out inconsistencies, discrepancies, contradictions and so on, so as to be able to claim that a witness’s evidence is less credible than another’s. That’s how every trial works, criminal or civil, in this country. The same techniques are applied to a simple cash claim following a road traffic accident, a multi-handed conspiracy to defraud or a rape trial.

Incidentally, we use much the same approach when assessing politicians. However, when they meet a challenge they cannot deal with, they just go quiet. In a court of law, that is not much of an option. Juries can be expected to draw their own conclusions.

There are two important differences with most rape trials. Firstly, the only witnesses are usually the alleged victim and the alleged defendant. That means that it isn’t possible to highlight differences between the witnesses on one side of the case. Secondly, the questions will inevitably be of an intimate nature. It just isn’t possible to ask questions about someone’s underwear, vagina or penis, without crossing the normal social boundary of acceptability. The normal rules have of social etiquette have to be suspended, in the interests of a fair trial.

No-one likes being accused of lying, even liars. No-one likes being shown up as unreliable, especially the unreliable. No-one enjoys being cross-examined. In other criminal trials, a great deal of emotional distress is caused during cross-examinations. Such is life with criminal trials. They are not clean, clinical exercises with everything conducted as you might expect in a scientific lab. Real people present real problems.

There are obvious problems with the manner in which the justice system treats victims of crime. They are not cared for particularly well. We could spend much more money on treating them with the care and decency they deserve. For example, they could have much lengthier and frequent meetings with the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS). Although they should not be allowed to dictate the decision on whether to prosecute, they could be properly involved in the process.

All our mainstream political parties are calling for cuts to public services. None of them are calling for more money to be spent in this area. Our politicians are casting allegations of bullying against barristers, despite not having witnessed the trials they are talking about, not having any meaningful proposals for how to change the rules of evidence and not understanding how difficult rape trials are for the sometimes innocent defendants.

A friend of mine has been charged with rape. In reference to him, I wrote a post  called what to do if a friend is charged with rape. His case is due for trial later this year. He’s maintained his innocence. For legal reasons, I prefer not to comment on his case now. However, his pre-trial experience is commonplace: he has been on bail awaiting his trial for well over a year! If he loses his trial, he loses everything: contact with his children, a harmonious relationship with his ex-wife, his girlfriend, his reputation, his home, his liberty. Over the last year plus a few months he has faced the prospect of his fate hanging in the hands of an eventual twelve strangers. His experience is commonplace. A substantial number of the men accused of rape are innocent.

The justice system visits enormous stresses on innocent people. In many of these cases, including my friend’s, there is no justification for having to wait in torment for so long for a trial. The reason for the delay lies with the incompetence of the Crown Prosecution Service and/or the money we choose to spend on the justice system. This is unacceptable but we don’t hear politicians calling for more money to be spent, to save innocent men from this incredible stress overload. Clearly, our politicians are not terribly interested in fair trials. If they were, they would call for justice to be dispensed faster. My friend feels like he is being punished now, despite being, according to law, presumed innocent.

Much more money must be spent on the justice system. We need sex cases to come to trial much quicker, so that those men who are falsely accused, do not have their lives ruined by the delay. We need rape victims to get proper care and attention by the prosecuting authorities. One fifteen minute chat with the CPS prior to trial is not only inadequate, it is grossly offensive. All this extra care and attention will cost money. The next time you hear a politician proposing reform of the legal system, ask them how much money they propose we spend to clear up these two issues. If they can’t answer, be their jury and draw your own conclusions.

However, there is another problem. For some time, therapists have been of the opinion that rape victims should not get treatment before a trial in case the defence barrister somehow uses those therapeutic conversations against them in court. It’s inevitable that a defence barrister will consider the option of scrutinising everything an accuser says about the alleged crime. Clearly, those calling for such areas to be off-limits to cross-examination have no clue at all about justice. It’s notable that in Hove, a local Tory councillor who used to be a senior police officer has made that call. Our police care about convictions, not justice. Sad, but true. Here he is, the Tory (Graham Cox), in a quick exchange with a local Labour Party candidate  in Brighton (Emma Daniel) on twitter, on this very topic.

Labour and Tory politicians discussing rape trials

Click to enlarge.

It’s only one example. Yet it typifies the whole problem with the way politicians tackle these problems. Here we have two people, both official representatives of their respective parties, spouting crap about how to improve justice in rape trials. There isn’t a shred of evidence that inquisitorial systems produce better justice for rape victims. I asked Emma Daniel to produce it but she declined. I asked the lawyers on twitter too; my request was retweeted by Carl Gardner, who has thousands of followers. No-one came forward with any evidence for this claim. None whatsoever. Ms Daniel’s second claim is that we can have a court system which doesn’t “further degrade and humiliate victims“. I asked her how many rape trials she has watched? She declined to answer that too. The fact is, as explained above, that it isn’t possible to cross-examine someone in a rape trial without going over all the details and calling them a liar. No-one wants anyone to be degraded or humiliated but all the evidence says that recounting these intimate details and being called a liar does risk humiliating the genuine victim. Thorough therapy could go a long way towards obviating that humiliation. That’s Mr Cox’s point. However, his tweet seems to suggest that somehow barristers should be prevented from asking questions which mention the therapy! The police would love barristers to be banned from asking some questions. How very convenient that would be, unless you care about fair trials.

Both of these two politicians are members of parties which support cuts to public services. Clearly, both of them are politically unable to address the main issues without a conflict with their party leadership. Caring for victims and speeding up justice will cost money which they are unable to promise. Instead we get these glib proposals which can’t be justified. It’s remarkable that Ms Daniel is happy to fire off a tweet about this, get challenged, not produce any evidence or links but doesn’t delete the tweet when she must have realised her error. There are no remaining political solutions to the problem of how to scrutinise allegations about private lives.

The therapeutic community could revisit its opinion on the merit of pre-trial treatment but obviously I’m not qualified to have a proper opinion on that, since I am not a therapist. The current thinking is that therapy involves conversations which can properly be a subject matter for cross-examination and thus may possibly interfere with a trial. Consequently, therapy is usually suspended until after a trial. Obviously, that frequently leads to a situation where traumatised people have to face further challenges in court, some of which will in themselves be traumatic. As a layman, I can’t help thinking that it would be better to give people therapy, to reduce their trauma and then let them go to trial. Sure, the barristers are going to ask those difficult questions but wouldn’t the genuine rape victim be better placed to deal with them after therapy than before? This is a question which can only be properly answered by experienced therapists who have also sat through rape trials.

Beware of politicians proposing solutions on this subject. It’s too easy for them to make wild claims. Beware of politicians who attack lawyers too. Everyone hates lawyers, until they need one.

Busting up the pub talk about the law

Many years ago I was paid by a BBC producer to research archaic laws which were still ‘on the statute book‘, as the saying goes. The idea was that I would be sent laws to verify and they would recruit actors to enforce them. Unfortunately, every single law they sent to me turned out to either be a complete myth or had been repealed or was, in fact, not a law as such but a story from the Daily Mail about the criteria for fruit and vegetables to classified under the European Union’s food class regime. None of that last category were capable of being used by actors anyway. The odd thing was the way in which the producer kept insisting that I must be wrong and the Daily Mail must be right. Whilst looking up one of these scare stories, I discovered that it originated in a joke told, at a private dinner, by an EU Commissioner. The joke went something along the lines of, ‘if I’m not careful, the English Daily Mail will say that I want to make it illegal to [do something really bonkers]‘. True to form the Daily Mail dropped the words, ‘if I’m not careful, the English Daily Mail will say that’, and attributed the rest of the sentence to the commissioner as a direct quote! Unsurprisingly, the programme was never made.

Here’s a list of laws which people commonly believe exist and by and large do not, with an few odd laws which do exist. Enjoy!

It is illegal to enter the Houses of Parliament wearing a suit of armour.

Yes, this is the law, but only for MPs! Hardly surprising that a medieval parliament would make a law like this. Difficult to see why we still keep it. See the 1313 Statute Forbidding Bearing of Armour.

It is illegal to die in Parliament.

No it isn’t. How could such a law be enforced anyway? The notion seems to stem from a popular misconception that anyone who dies in a Royal palace will get a state funeral. When you get to this level of fallacy, you begin to wonder whether people have any sense of critical judgement at all. Just think of some famous deaths in Parliament and note the lack of a state funeral. Guy Fawkes and Sir Walter Raleigh were both executed in the Old Palace Yard. No state funerals for either of them! The only British Prime Minister ever assassinated died in the House of Commons in 1812 (Spencer Perceval) but he didn’t get the full pomp and glory.

It is illegal to place a stamp of the Queen upside down on a letter.

No it isn’t. This sort of law would have penalised all blind people. It’s obviously nonsense.

It is illegal to stand within 100 yards of the reigning monarch without wearing socks.

No, no, no. It is true that Henry VIII, Mary I and Elizabeth I all passed sumptuary laws, which regulated clothing styles. The 1562 Articles for the Execution of the Statutes of Apparel prohibited anyone from appearing at the royal court wearing shirts with “outrageous double ruffs”, or hose of “monstrous and outrageous greatness”. However, such laws were generally repealed by James I.

Killing a deer in a Royal Forest is punishable by death.

No, it isn’t. The death penalty was abolished for every type of crime by the Human Rights Act.

It is illegal for a commoner to permit his animal to fuck a pet of the royal household.

This has never been the law. It is difficult to see how anyone could ‘permit’ her animal to even get randy with a so-called Royal pet, although I am reminded of the suspected anarchist who seems to have thrown a fox over the wall of Buckingham Palace a few years ago, one frozen winter, which resulted in the deaths of the Queen’s flamingoes. Apparently, the fox was never caught so the flamingoes could not be reinstated. The popular myth tends to attribute this law to George I, although no laws were passed during his reign which relate to Royal animals.

It is illegal to harbour a Catholic priest.

Wrong again. It is, of course, illegal to harbour a criminal fugitive from the forces of law and order and whilst it now seems that a large number of Catholic priests have actually been engaged in paedophilia, there isn’t a specific law which treats them all as fugitives from justice. At least, not any more: the First Act of Supremacy 1534 and the Treason Act 1534 have both been repealed.

It is illegal not to carry out at least two hours of longbow practice a week.

No-one is quite sure where the ‘two hours’ idea came from. Certainly, the Unlawful Games Act 1541 required every Englishman between the ages of 17 and 60 (with various exemptions) to keep a longbow and regularly practise archery. This Act was repealed by the Betting and Gaming Act 1960, which strikes me as a bit of a shame. Think of all the work that Englishmen could have got as extras in medieval films!

It is illegal to crack a boiled egg at the sharp end.

No it isn’t.

It is illegal to keep a lunatic without a licence.

I’m not sure that words like ‘lunatic’ are still in use amongst the medical professions. Anyway, if you have one, you don’t need a licence to keep hold of him or her. You did in 1774. Perhaps someone should warn Doctor Who?

It is illegal to impersonate a Chelsea Pensioner.

Visitors to this unfair and pleasant land might think that a Chelsea Pensioner is an old person living in an upmarket part of London. It’s a little more complicated than that but I can’t be bothered to explain it. The point here is that this law (The Chelsea and Kilmainham Hospitals Act 1826) has now been repealed. The law related to fraudulent pension claims. Fraud is, of course, very illegal but the Chelsea bit is neither here nor there.

It is illegal to damage a lawn.

Not as such. It is an offence to interfere with or disturb a town or village green, thanks to The Commons Act 1876 but that law aims to prevent people disrupting lawful activities on the green, such as playing cricket. That said, damaging grass could be described as criminal damage. Please note, although prosecutions are exceptionally rare, you can be liable for criminal damage to your own property.

It is illegal to be drunk on licensed premises.

Bizarrely, this is illegal. See section 12 of the Licensing Act 1872 (thanks to @Peter_Kirkham on twitter for pointing this out). Under section 44 of the Metropolitan Police Act 1839, it is an offence for a publican to permit drunkenness or disorderly conduct on the premises. Under the Licensing Act 2003, it is an offence to sell alcohol to a person who is drunk, or to obtain alcohol for consumption by a person who is drunk. Taken in the round, the law appears to outlaw the entire purpose of public houses. Can’t recall any prosecutions for this though. You pays your money and you piss it up against the wall, as the old saying goes.

It is illegal to carry a plank along a pavement.

Ha – got you! Bet you thought that this was another list item which I’d probably made up, because you’d never heard of it before? Well, despite it being necessary to almost all of the scaffolding industry, it is illegal, under section 54 of the Metropolitan Police Act 1839, which also outlaws flying kites, playing annoying games, and sliding on ice or snow in the street. Watch out kids, you’ll get caught by the fuzz.

It is illegal to fire cannon within 300 yards of a dwelling house.

Of course it is! How could it not be? Obviously, this is a law which is observed in the breach here in Sussex. See section 55 of the Metropolitan Police Act 1839. The Parliamentary Counsel who drafted that must have been having a field day of long liquid lunches and comedic bets to see what they could get away with. Quite why cannons come after planks, I cannot imagine.

It is illegal to beat or shake any carpet or rug in any street. However, beating or shaking a doormat is allowed before 8am.

Guess which Act? Section 60 of the same one as above. In other districts, it is an offence under section 28 of the Town Police Clauses Act 1847, which also outlaws keeping a pigsty in front of your house, slaughtering animals in the street, stringing a washing line across the street, singing profane or obscene songs or ballads in the street and playing knock down ginger.

It is illegal to drive cows down the roadway without the permission of the Commissioner of Police.

Yes, the Metropolitan Streets Act 1867 made it an offence to drive cattle through the streets between 10:00am and 7:00pm, except with the permission of the Commissioner of Police.

It is illegal to hang a bed out of a window.

Personally, I’ve never had the urge. Hanging a bed in this manner is not illegal in itself, unless it is heavy and isn’t guarded against falling. Section 28 of the Town Police Clauses Act 1847 seems to have been aimed at flowerpots and the like.

It is illegal to be drunk in charge of a horse.

Yes, of course it is. How could it not be? A horse is a vehicle, right? See the Licensing Act 1872, which also makes it illegal to be drunk in charge of a carriage, cow or steam engine, or whilst in possession of a loaded firearm. How very sensible our 19th Century brethren were. Pity we can’t resurrect them and ask them to govern now… uh oh, looks like we have.

It is illegal to eat mince pies on Christmas Day.

Except for the year 1644, this has never been illegal. Christmas Day 1644 fell on a legally enforceable fasting day and mince pies got caught by that. An Ordinance for Abolishing of Festivals 1647 banned Christmas altogether but not mince pies specifically. When the divine right of Kings was restored, all the laws connected with Cromwell’s regime were treated as invalid because they hadn’t received Royal Assent. Nice little technicality that.

It is legal to shoot a Welshman with a longbow on Sunday in the Cathedral Close in Hereford; or inside the city walls of Chester after midnight; or a Scotsman within the city walls of York, other than on a Sunday.

Incredibly, people still believe this. It is as if they have the internet but at the same time do not know how to use it. Clearly, all murder is prohibited. There are a number of defences to murder, such as self-defence or being the armed forces whilst in the conduct of war but the statement above is not one of them. Moreover, this law never existed. It looks like a call to racist action to me.

In Liverpool, it is illegal for a woman to be topless in public, except as a clerk in a tropical fish store.

Bit of an obscure myth this one. Still a myth though.

It is legal for a pregnant woman to relieve herself anywhere she likes, including in a policeman’s helmet.

No it isn’t and nor was it ever. Surely this is a popular joke based on the word play possible with ‘helmet’?

It is legal for a man to urinate in public, as long it is against the rear offside wheel of his motor vehicle and his right hand is on the vehicle.

No, wrong again. Some people believe that this law is applicable to taxi drivers. It isn’t.

It is illegal to flag a taxi if you have the plague.

Even if this was the law, which it isn’t, surely this would be a dead issue today (sorry)? Under the Public Health (Control of Disease) Act 1984, no person who is
known to be suffering from a notifiable disease (including plague) may enter a public conveyance without notifying the driver of the condition. A taxi driver may then agree to convey the passenger, although notice must be given to the local authority afterwards, and the taxi disinfected before the next passenger enters it. A bus driver, however, would not be allowed to convey such a person. Remember that, plague victims!

London hackney carriages (ie black cabs) must carry a bale of hay and a sack of oats.

No, they don’t. This appears to be a misunderstanding of the effects of The London Hackney Carriage Act 1831, which made it an offence for the driver of a hackney carriage to feed his horse in the street except with corn out of a bag or with hay from his hands. Anyway, the relevant provision was repealed in 1976.

It is illegal to pick up an abandoned package.

Not as such. The Postal Services Act 2000 makes it an offence intentionally to open or delay a postal packet. Interfering with someone else’s package may also
constitute the tort of conversion or trespass to goods.

It is illegal to jump the queue in the Tube ticket hall.

Yes, under the Transport for London bye-laws.

It is illegal to destroy or deface money.

Yes. See the Currency and Banknotes Act 1928, which says it is an offence to deface a banknote by printing, stamping or writing on it. Thus all the republicans who ‘red-eye’ the Queen’s face on paper money are committing a criminal offence. The Coinage Act 1971 also outlaws destroying a metal coin that has been current in the UK since 1969, with a licence from the Treasury.

It is illegal to handle salmon in suspicious circumstances.

Yes. See the Salmon Act 1986.

All swans are the property of the Queen, and killing one is an act of treason.

The Crown has, since the 12th Century, held ownership rights over all wild, unmarked mute swans in open water but the Queen only exercises her right over parts of the Thames and its tributaries. She shares this right with the Vintners Company and the Dyers Company. A Swan Upping ceremony is performed annually by both the Crown and those Companies to record and mark all the swans in that area. Killing one of the mute swans may be an offence but it is not an act of treason.

The head of any dead whale found on the British coast automatically becomes the property of the King, and the tail the property of the Queen.

This is nearly correct. The 14th Century statute Prerogativa Regis says that all whales and sturgeons found on the coast are the property of the Crown. Although this law is still very much in force,  a sturgeon caught in Swansea Bay in 2004 was declined by the royal household, and ended up in the Natural History Museum. A 13th Century legal treatise called ‘Bracton‘ seems to have created the idea that the head and tail had to be divided between the King and the Queen. Blackstone’s Commentaries made the nonsensical claim that the reasoning was that the Queen needed whalebone for her corset stays but whalebone or baleen is only found in a whale’s mouth.

In support of nominating John Cooper QC for the Bar Pro Bono Award

The following is the text of an email which I have sent to Karen Todnor, of Kaim Todnor Solicitors, London, in support of her nomination of John Cooper QC for the Bar Pro Bono award.

Dear Karen,

I’m delighted to support your nomination of John Cooper QC for the Bar Pro Bono Award for his work with ‘Occupy the London Stock Exchange’ (OccupyLSX). It is difficult to imagine how anyone could have given more time, worked harder or brought greater experience to that cause.

I first instructed Mr Cooper on the night of 15th October 2011, when OccupyLSX was only a few hours old and still surrounded by hundreds of police, some of whom had been violent towards the protestors. He accepted my instructions immediately and kept in close contact from that point on, day and night. There can be no doubt that his conspicuous role contributed to the manner in which the City of London Corporation dealt with us protestors. His involvement generated much publicity with the result that the City’s officials knew that we were being properly advised. They knew that there would be inevitable and costly consequences had they misbehaved.

When St Paul’s Cathedral closed its doors to worshippers, we invited Mr Cooper to an on site conference. At the conclusion of our meeting in a crudely constructed tent pitched next to the outside walls of the Cathedral and next door to a kitchen feeding thousands, Mr Cooper said to his clerk, “this is by far and away the most unusual location I’ve ever conducted a conference in!” The circumstances were more unusual still. Mr Cooper’s guidance led to the Cathedral reopening its doors somewhat shamefacedly a few days later, without having affected the protest at all.

All too often in these sorts of situations, the police simply pile in without thought for life and limb. Although the encampment was eventually moved on, it was done so according to the law. That was thanks to Mr Cooper’s involvement. Mr Cooper fought both the eviction trial and the subsequent appeal pro bono. Without his commitment to justice, there would have been no trial, no due process and nothing but more trouble. This is no exaggeration: other lawyers, who have traditionally helped such causes pro bono, backed away from the camp, in the case of two firms at the very last moment. Whether that was down to their own resources or some other factor I cannot say. However, with Mr Cooper it was different. From the moment he accepted my instructions, his commitment was unwavering. Throughout his time representing Occupy London he was steadfast, detailed in his attention and utterly charming, despite some very challenging circumstances.

Having myself previously chaired the Free Representation Unit, I believe I understand what distinguishes a commitment to pro bono work for the sake of principle as compared to for the sake of a curriculum vitae or some paltry fashion. Occupy London chewed through countless hours of Mr Cooper’s time on a near weekly basis. When it wasn’t weekly, it was daily. We were not easy clients to deal with; we were fickle, we were administratively inefficient at times, we were operating at the fringe of conventional politics and law. Despite all these difficulties, Mr Cooper simply stepped up to the challenge as if he was merely walking up the front steps of a courthouse.

An indirect consequence of Mr Cooper’s work for Occupy London has been that a large number of people, who would otherwise have remained disenfranchised from the ordinary processes of law and, to greater or lesser extents, civil society, have been properly introduced to them instead, with beneficial consequences for all.

Kind regards,
Scrapper Duncan

Beware of your personal prejudices, they blind you

At the very beginning of my legal training, I attended Chichester Crown Court as a mini-pupil, following a Barrister from the now defunct Sussex Chambers. Underneath the building, in the cells, I heard his client tell the farthest fetched story I had ever witnessed anyone have the audacity to tell. Suffice it to say that it involved violence, eletrical cables, injuries and revolved around a domestic dispute the fellow had with his wife. Standing at the back of the cell, with this big fellow between me and the emergency buttons, whatever romantic notions I might have had about the practice of law were stripped away.

After we left the cell, my mini-pupil-master turned to me and asked, ‘Well, what did you think of his account of the events?‘ I replied that it appeared to be a hopeless case and that he was obviously lying, confident that I couldn’t fail to impress my master for the day with my self-assuredness. His reply astonished me. ‘I thought he gave a pretty good account of himself actually‘, he said.

Over the next few years, I buried my head in law books and lost myself in learning. Before I commenced my own practice I undertook cases for the Free Representation Unit (FRU) in London. Since it was unsexy, unlikely to make good an otherwise empty curriculum vitae and consequently unpopular with the volunteers, I took on as many social security cases as I could manage whilst completing my education. Who else was going to do them? One day the social security case worker (a staff member) asked if I would take a particular case. ‘We need someone with experience to handle this one‘, she said.

The case concerned a woman who had suffered various illnesses for a long time and, to cut a very long story short, had lain in bed for 33 years. In the previous 28 years she hadn’t been outside her house, except for on three occasions, each of which was an emergency hospital appointment. The Benefits Agency had decided that she was fit for work and withdrawn her benefits. She had appealed and a relative had obtained the invaluable assistance of the local Citizens Advice Bureau (CAB). The CAB referred the case to FRU. Without rehearsing the details of her case, there was the unusual difficulty that her eventual appeal hearing could not be conducted in the tribunal centre. Whatever the facts of your life, if you’ve lain in bed that long, you cannot simply get up and walk around, let alone deal with a busy trial centre, full of angst ridden angry people. Not to mention just sitting in a chair during the hearing. I picked up the phone, called the CAB caseworker and made arrangements to go and visit the Mrs J (not her real name) at her home.

I met the CAB caseworker at her office and she drove me to Mrs J’s house. It wasn’t easy to find because of the nature of the estate. The residents had removed all the road signs. The roads weaved in long arcing curves, which snaked around the area. Even with a map, the resulting confusion made navigation difficult. We didn’t feel inclined to stop and ask directions because the only people on the streets were gangs of youths who definitely had a menacing look about them. We were the only car on the road, apart from the burnt out ones littering the pavements. Several times we had to leave the estate, find an identified road outside it and work our way back by dead reckoning. Even the house numbers were non-existent, which meant we had to work out where the nearest postal sorting office was and count the houses from that direction. Eventually, we settled on one particular house as being the most likely candidate for being Mrs J’s home.

Luckily, it was her home. As soon as I knocked on the door, a ferocious barking began. A man opened the door. Behind him, several other men held back three slavering alsatians. ‘Get yourselves upstairs‘, the first man told me bluntly, ‘these dogs want to kill you.‘ I had expected a warmer welcome, to be honest. After all, we were working for them for free. Upstairs, we were shown into Mrs J’s bedroom. With the door closed and the barking finally calming down, Mrs J explained that they weren’t her dogs but her extended family had come around to protect her from the visit from the authorities, by which she meant us! I pointed out that we weren’t the authorities and that every case we took was actually against the authorities but it didn’t look like she bought that idea. Never mind. I wasn’t there to discuss the machinery of the voluntary sector. I drew up a chair by her bedside and started discussing her case history. Mrs J was the most slimmest person I have ever met. She lay under the thinnest of blankets but her legs barely ruffled the surface. Frankly, I was disgusted by her emaciation. However, she was very lovely and much of the afternoon was spent reading paperwork, so there was plenty else to think about.

Eventually we said goodbye and made an arrangement to return before the start of the tribunal hearing. As we drove away, I began to think about how I would present Mrs J’s case. Suddenly a dog darted across the road, directly in front of the car. The caseworker didn’t even touch the brakes and we nearly hit it. At the last moment I cried out, ‘Watch out!‘ and only then did she swerve and only a little. Looking back, I imagine that the caseworker had been shaken up by the afternoon’s stresses and was exceptionally keen to leave the neighbourhood behind her; no dog was going to get in her way. ‘You nearly killed it…‘, I said and the caseworker replied, ‘Well, it’s only a dog.‘ I couldn’t believe my ears. She had seemed like such a nice lady. We drove on in silence for a while.

As we were leaving the estate, to break the awkwardness I asked her, ‘What did you think of Mrs J’s case?‘ I certainly didn’t expect her reply: ‘I’ve never heard such a far-fetched tale in all my life, she’s obviously lying.‘ That day I had not doubted the evidence of my eyes, the medical notes and the various other witness statements. Besides, it wasn’t my place to. I was there as Mrs J’s advocate, not my own. My question had been directed to the likelihood of success. I wasn’t concerned with my own moral judgement but the caseworker certainly was. Now, I must be very clear about this. I don’t think it was obvious that Mrs J had lied. In fact, it was very far from my perception. Earlier in the day, the caseworker explained her motivation for volunteering for the CAB. She was a rather well off middle class person who wished to tackle the pangs of conscience she felt whenever she travelled around London. I guess she had her romantic notions about charitable giving stripped away that afternoon. What shocked me about her statement was not what she said, nor even the realisation that I had crossed the threshold between prejudice and objectivity but that I had made that journey without realising it.

People often ask barristers how they can represent someone they know is lying. The easiest answer to explain is that in reality it is very difficult to say, outside of a trial itself, whether someone is lying or not. We don’t cross-examine our own clients in that rarefied atmosphere. When I give this answer, usually I find myself confronted by an insistent ‘yeah, but come off it, there must be times when you just know‘. The objective truth is that unless you were personally present during the events being described to you, you simply cannot know. Ask yourself, when were you born? You know, right? How do you know? It’s on your birth certificate, right? Were you there when it was completed? Of course, in every day life, we have to make reasonable assumptions about this sort of thing. Otherwise we’d never get anything done. Representing someone in a court or a tribunal is not every day life though. An advocate brings clarity to someone else’s story and argues their corner, having left their personal feelings outside the courtroom door.

The more complicated answer to explain is that when you’ve done lots of cases, you just lose the natural instinct to make snap decisions about people. Whether it is the experience of rushing around from one case to another, without sufficient time to take stock between one hearing and another, day in, day out, or whether it is being surprised by the unexpected turn of evidence live and direct in a trial, or whether it is both those things and a whole lot more besides, the truth is that after a certain number of cases, you simply stop prejudging people. If you don’t, your prejudice gets in the way of your job.

When I returned to Mrs J’s house, the extended family had complied with my request to leave the hounds behind. I arrived with the caseworker an hour early. We sat around Mrs J’s bedside waiting for the tribunal members to arrive. I wondered how well they would fare finding the place. When the appointed time came and went without any sign of them, Mrs J said, ‘People say this estate is difficult for strangers but I think they’re just snobs‘. I found myself agreeing with her but nevertheless I pointed out that every street sign had been removed, which didn’t make their task any easier. ‘Oh that’s just the kids‘, she replied, ‘there’s nothing else for them to do‘. Only much later that day did I spend any time thinking about the implications of that remark. About half an hour late, the tribunal members arrived, looking unnerved.

We all sat around the bed. On one side there was myself and the caseworker. On the other were the three tribunal members. Squeezed into the narrow gap between the foot of the bed and the dressing table, was the Presenting Office, who represented the Benefits Agency. He had the invidious task of having to argue that the benefits had been correctly withdrawn. In the middle lay Mrs J.

Whether or not the tribunal members had ever conducted a domiciliary hearing or not before, I do not know. It would have been easy to assume from their disposition that they were out of their depth but only a week before I had been in much the same sort of state. The tribunal chairman kicked off the proceedings by saying something about the unusual nature of the hearing meaning that it would be better if they abandoned normal procedure. I stepped in immediately and requested that normal procedure be followed so as to avoid the unnecessary waste of time and costs which would be bound to follow when we won a further appeal on the point. The Presenting Officer nodded and agreed, without looking up from his bundle of papers. Throughout the hearing he didn’t look up once. I can’t say I blame him. Who wants to look a living skeleton in the eye sockets and say they are fit for work? It hadn’t been his decision, he was just presenting the case for the authorities. That said, you do the job, you take the pay, you face up to the responsibilities. The hearing proceeded properly.

When the evidence was heard, the tribunal withdrew to consider their decision. In a tribunal centre we would have withdrawn but that wasn’t possible. They went downstairs, out of their house and into their car, which they had parked a little way down the road. I stood in Mrs J’s bedroom bay window and watched them with amusement. The chairman and one member sat in the front, the third member sat in the rear. Whilst I couldn’t hear them, I could see them discussing the case. They took turns to read from their notes of the hearing, they passed pieces of paper around and they seemed to be thoroughly considering the matter, with the two men in the front twisted around to hear the man in the back. Then the man in the back pointed up at me in the bay window. The chairman, who was in the driving seat, looked up at me. I smiled and gave him a little wave. He looked very annoyed, released the handbrake and rapidly accelerated backwards until they were out of sight. After about an hour they returned and announced that Mrs J would have her benefits restored in full and backdated payments would be made for the intervening time she had been without. Apparently the Presenting Officer had fled. They said they would tell him the decision in writing.

Shortly afterwards, FRU received a card with my name on the address. Mrs J had scratched a note of thanks in her appalling handwriting and included £70 in cash ‘for you to treat yourself with‘. I returned the money immediately, by recorded delivery. It came back. I wrote to her again and explained that FRU represented its clients for free, wishing her the best for the future and suggesting that she treat herself instead. It came back again, this time with a note saying that she wished to donate it to the charity. I discussed that with the staff and, although we did accept donations, we decided in this case to refuse her money. For a few years afterwards, FRU received Christmas cards from her wishing God’s blessings on me.

We hear much talk from politicians about social security dependency, about how to tackle poverty and about how to motivate people. The present government is introducing dramatic cuts to disability benefits, which are likely to have drastic consequences for the people they support. Actually, that’s not true. The word isn’t ‘likely’, the word is ‘will’. The people who make those sort of decisions have never gone hungry, have never been roofless and have not experienced crippling illnesses, and have no conception of the dislocation between themselves and those they seek to rule. The closest they ever got is being booed at the paralympics. They’re not called the thieving Tory bastards for nothing.

The people who oppose them are similar to my caseworker chauffeur in Mrs J’s case. They mean well but they struggle to comprehend what life is like for vast swathes of our population. Going on and on and on about dependency culture and publicly debating the withdrawal of benefits is panicking people. Right now, all over the country there are people beset with worry about how they will pay the rent, put food on the table or keep their house warm at winter. Listening to our political leaders discuss these matters, you’d think they were debating mowing the lawn, not cutting people off from society all together. They are blinded by their ideological prejudice from the realities of the life. They claim to want to show people the way out of their problems. They should start by trying to find a way into them first.

Is Christina Summers making criminal allegations to conduct politics by other means?

There’s been a lot of fuss recently in Brighton & Hove’s political life. A Green Party councillor went rogue by voting against her party’s firm support of same sex marriages. Christina Summers is on the brink of being expelled from the Green Group on the council benches because she had previously promised the party, verbally and in writing, that she would support that policy. Immediately that a disciplinary process commenced against her, she stopped attending party meetings, ceased communications with party colleagues and even withdrew from her official duties as a councillor.

Instead of engaging in a political argument about her course of action, she has engaged lawyers to represent her. The so-called Christian Legal Centre has a very poor track record when it comes to winning cases. Its agenda is to promote the sort of evangelical agenda preferred by the right-wing of the American Republican Party. It prefers aggressive reportage rather than mediated solutions to the conflicts it becomes involved in. The website of its media crew, Christian Concern, claimed that Christina Summers is considering taking the Green Party to the High Court for judicial review despite that remedy being unavailable in disputes with private organisations such as political parties.

Now Summers is claiming that she could not talk to her colleagues because there is “a time to be silent“. That’s not a phrase we normally associate with politicians, unless they are subject to a criminal investigation, which isn’t the case here.

Two days ago she gave an interview to the local rag. Unknown for its accuracy, we can’t be sure if the quotes it printed are a true reflection of what she told their reporter. The Brighton Argus said, “She said she had received intimidating emails from Green Party members before and after the council meeting…

There can be no justification for sending an intimidating email. Perhaps this is a good time to remind ourselves what ‘intimidating’ actually means. Here’s how the Oxford English Dictionary defines it:

INTIMIDATE – verb: frighten or overawe (someone), especially in order to make them do what one wants

It’s a pretty strong word. The Argus seems to have understood that the allegation was firmly made because it included it in its headline as well as in a major article on the matter. Presumably, it made sure that was exactly what she meant to say before publishing its article.

Lest that story is amended or deleted altogether, I have taken a copy of it and posted a partially obscured version at the bottom of this post. Be assured, this is the first and last time I shall tarnish this blog with copies of Argus articles! Regular readers will know that I normally refuse to link to or quote from the Argus. It cannot be regarded as the paper of record that it once was ~ even though this article has been copied from a web page, which can be amended at any time, it contains a spelling mistake. The Argus has form for repeated mistakes of fact and often takes corrections from its readers via their comments threads (Sometimes deleting the correcting comments afterwards!). That said, I’m going to presume that its reportage in this case is accurate or, at the least, is approved by Summers’ lawyers.

The “council meeting” must mean the one in which she cast her vote against the party line. Very few people in the party knew of her intention to vote in that way prior to the council meeting itself. She had given all of us every expectation that she would vote in accordance with our party’s policy. A few hours before the council meeting, she informed the other Green Party councillors that she would be voting against them, via Jason Kitcat. Therefore, the question arises whether she has alleged that a councillor sent her an intimidating email before the vote took place? Who else would know that she intended to break her promises to the party? Is she actually alleging that one of her erstwhile councillor colleagues sent her an intimidating email either during the Green Councillors Group meeting on the afternoon of 19th July 2012 or immediately after it in the short gap between it and the full council meeting when she cast her vote?

These are important questions. Without sight of the emails she alleges she has received, it is impossible to determine the truth of them. Equally important is the question of who sent her an intimidating email after that fateful council meeting? The logic of the way in which the Argus has reported her words (although it hasn’t quoted any of her directly on this point) is very clear. The use of the plural is striking. It can only be read to mean that there were at least two emails and they were sent to Summers by at least two different Green Party members. At the very most conservative interpretation possible, one party member sent her an intimidating email before the meeting and a different one sent her another intimidating email after the meeting.

This isn’t just a serious allegation. It looks like a criminal allegation.

Recently there’s been a very high profile case fought over an electronically sent message which the Crown Prosecution Service claimed was menacing: the famous #twitterjoketrial. The facts of that case were markedly different from the allegations here. The defendant in that case, Paul Chambers, tweeted a joke about his annoyance at an airport being closed due to bad weather. Everyone accepts that he didn’t mean to menace anyone with his joke. Chambers won his appeal, thanks to the diligent assistance of his solicitor David Allen Green and his barrister, John Cooper QC.

Summers’ allegations can be distinguished from the Crown’s case against Chambers because emails are generally sent to specific people; they are aimed at someone. True, the Brighton & Hove Green Party maintains an internal discussion email list which allows registered members to send an email to a central address for dissemination to everyone similarly registered. However, anyone sending an email to that list must realise that it will be forwarded to everyone else on that list. I am a registered member of that list myself. Although there has been much discussion on the matter of Summers’ behaviour in general, there has been nothing which can be described as intimidating towards her. It seems more than reasonable to assume then that she is referring to emails sent specifically to her. Therefore, she is referring to emails which no-one except her and the alleged senders have seen. It doesn’t look like the Argus has seen them; otherwise you would expect its published article to say something like ‘The Argus has seen the emails concerned,’ or words to that effect.

Evidently, Summers is claiming that she knows the identity of the senders of the emails. Otherwise, she could not sensibly say that they were sent by Green Party members.

That begs the most serious question of all: why has complained to the press about her allegations, instead of the police? It is reasonable to assume that if she had complained to the police, she would have given the Argus the opportunity to report that as well.

She cannot pretend to be innocent of the law in this respect because she has been represented for some time now by a legal team which aggressively defends the interests of Christians. Clearly she is a Christian and it cannot be in her interests to receive intimidating emails. The Christian Legal Centre must be aware of the relevant law. For non-lawyers, a very brief summary may of some use.

Communications Act 2003

s. 127 of the Communications Act 2003 is the clause under which Chambers was prosecuted. It outlaws the sending (or the causing to be sent) “by means of a public electronic communications network a message or other matter that is grossly offensive or of an indecent, obscene or menacing character.” In my opinion, an ‘intimidating email’ would be covered the last two words: “menacing character“. If someone is convicted of this offence, the maximum sentence is six months’ imprisonment.

Protection From Harassment Act 1997

The Protection From Harassment Act 1997 is used to prosecute people who send more than one message of an intimidating nature. As I have explained above, it isn’t absolutely clear whether Summers is alleging any one person sent more than one intimidating email to her. If they have and are convicted under this Act, the maximum sentence is six months’ imprisonment.

There are also other possible legal avenues by which this sort of behaviour could be remedied by law. I’m not going to spell them out for the benefit of the Christian Legal Centre. Let them do their own work!

Since casting her troublesome vote, Summers has changed the manner of her political engagements. Instead of carrying out her normal duties and appearing at party events, she has given numerous interviews to the media. She has used these to attack the Green Party. She has doggedly pursued an agenda which publicises her conflict with her party, instead of promoting the Green policies she says claims to care so deeply about.

It is tempting to call her bluff on this most recent allegation by her. Not only the victims of crime can report crimes. A quick ‘phone call to Sussex Police to ask them to look at the alleged emails ought to suffice. It needn’t be a complicated investigation. Summers can hand over the emails and inform the police of the identity of the senders. The Green Party is bound to cooperate completely. It should be a simple matter for the Crown Prosecution Service to decide whether there are reasonable chances of a conviction. I’m very tempted to make that call myself because otherwise it looks like this allegation will just be left hanging in the air.

Why should the Green Party be left shadow boxing against allegations of this sort? It isn’t a fair way to conduct any argument. Our society employs a police force to investigate this sort of thing and pays for a court service to adjudicate upon it. Why hasn’t Summers pursued that path? Could it be that she is misusing criminal allegations to pursue her own political agenda? Is that what we want our elected politicians to do? Can there be anyone left who doubts the wisdom of the Green councillors for ejecting this woman? Is there anyone, fanatics aside, who still supports her? She gives Christians a bad name.

Newspaper report in which Christina Summers claims she was sent intimidating emails by Green Party members

The Brighton Argus article which says Christina Summers received intimidating emails from Green Party members.

Letting the cat out of the bag (quite right too, it’s cruel)

Yesterday, I discovered that a cat had climbed under the netting on my raised beds and dug a series of holes. I don’t know for sure whether it was a cat but I don’t think many other animals could climb through the available space and then dig holes that big. War has been declared. My non-lethal war will be costly. I intend to employ some technology to fight it in my absence. Basically, I’ll be buying one or more of these devices to re-educate the cats:

I’ll report back on how successful this is at stopping whatever digs the holes. By then, I should have fixed my video camera. I’d like to modify this device to include my own urine in the water. That should really get the message across. My wife says that my piss will be more scary than hers.

What is it with the British and their cats? We’re supposed to all love gardening but cat ownership is incompatible with that. Every other animal we keep is expected to stay within the confines of our home and garden. Yet cats are expected to roam across everyone else’s gardens. Cat owners should be obliged to cage their gardens completely, to stop these pests from escaping.

Following some very brief research for this post, I think the law is that cats are exempt from the law of trespass relating to animals in the Animals Act 1971. They are capable of being a private nuisance but the case law on this is virtually unknown and I have neither the money nor the inclination to take my neighbours to court. Besides, I’d have to catch the creatures first to identify their owners, which is practically impossible. I could catch them in a humane trap but that in itself is likely to distress them, which would itself be illegal under the Animal Welfare Act 2005.

Analysis of a Christian’s political opposition to gay marriage in UK

On 19th July 2012 Green Party Councillor Christina Summers outraged her party colleagues and most of the local community by breaking her specific promises to support her party’s policy in favour of same sex marriage. Since then much has been written about her. This blog contains a number of posts on the subject in general. She’s garnered lots of media coverage and is being represented by a disreputable lobbying group called Christian Concern. In two days the first stage in the Green Party’s disciplinary process ~ a Panel of Inquiry ~ will be reporting its findings back to the Green councillors on Brighton & Hove City Council. While we wait for that decision, it may be useful to remind ourselves what she actually said in defence of her lone vote that day.

The vote in question was on an amended Labour motion. The original motion was proposed by Councillor Warren Morgan, which read as follows:

This Council notes the current national consultation on allowing same sex marriage between couples in England and Wales.

This Council also notes the considerable social and economic benefit to the city resulting from the Civil Partnership Act 2004, with Brighton and Hove being the most popular place in the UK for civil partnership ceremonies.

This Council believes that same sex couples should now have equal marriage rights under law, and calls upon the Government to:

  1. Change the law to allow same-sex couples to get married.
  2. Allow religious bodies to conduct same-sex marriages.
  3. End the requirement that transgender people divorce before attaining Gender Recognition.
  4. Enable mixed-sex couples to register a civil partnership.

The Green councillors proposed amendments to the motion. These were accepted by Councillor Morgan (he said he was “more than happy” with them). The amended motion, which was put to the vote, was as follows, with the amendments in bold:

This Council notes the current national consultation on allowing same sex marriage between couples in England and Wales, and the cross-party letter sent to the Government in response.

This Council also notes the considerable social and economic benefit to the city resulting from the Civil Partnership Act 2004, with Brighton and Hove being the most popular place in the UK for civil partnership ceremonies.

This Council believes that same sex couples should now have equal marriage rights under law, and calls upon the Government to:

  1. Change the law to allow same-sex couples to get married.
  2. Allow religious bodies to conduct same-sex marriages where they choose to do so.
  3. End the requirement that transgender people divorce before attaining Gender Recognition.
  4. Retain civil partnerships and enable mixed-sex couples to register a civil partnership.

Here’s Councillor Summers’ speech in full:

All speeches in full meetings of Brighton & Hove City Council are time limited, presumably to prevent filibustering. Let’s look at each of the points that Summers makes in turn.

Party Policy

She accepts that her party’s policy is very clear on this issue. Although time limited on this occasion, Summers has given plenty of media interviews (including to right-wing ‘Christian’ radio stations) where she accepts that this policy is a core issue for the Green Party. In fact, it was a core issue before she joined the party.

When she stood as a candidate she was specifically asked how, in the event of a conflict between her conscience and party policy, she would vote? She declared that she would vote with the party’s policy. Therefore, this vote isn’t just against party policy, it’s hypocritical too. She would not have been selected as a candidate, had she said that she would make this speech and vote against Green Party policy.

When the Brighton & Hove Green Party selected its candidates for the 2011 local elections, every one of them was required to sign a pledge promising to advance equality on every front in keeping with the party’s policy. This pledge was introduced because of specific concerns about Summers’ hardcore religious beliefs. She signed that contract with the party.

What conclusions can we draw from these circumstances? That her religious beliefs entitled her to lie to her friends in the party? That Christians may sign any contract and then escape their part of the bargain because it somehow doesn’t apply to them? That she has changed her mind since standing as a candidate?

The last conclusion seems the most likely. In those circumstances, you would think that she would communicate her change of intention to her immediate colleagues at the earliest opportunity, wouldn’t you? If she did, then she must have changed her mind during the meeting of Green councillors immediately before this council meeting because that was the first time she informed them of her intentions.

Her vote will “jar” with her colleagues

That’s putting it mildly. She voted like this in the full knowledge that she had broken faith with her party. Normally, in political circumstances such as these, the renegade retains some integrity by resigning from their party. However, Summers has remained in the party. She is well aware that there will soon be a petition to expel her. Rather than accept that she has misled both her party and the voters, she prefers to fight on. Why? Is it because that way she will maximise media coverage for her supposedly Christian agenda?

She has no problem with same sex civil partnerships

Although she descibed marriage as a “label“, in effect her argument is that marriage is somehow a concept which is owned by Christians. This is absolute nonsense. There were marriages long before Christianity was even a twinkle in a shepherd’s eye or whatever the biblical story is. The ancient Egyptians, Greeks and Romans celebrated marriages. It seems very likely that ancient Britons got married long before St Augustine rocked up in Kent. Incidentally, whilst Kent was the first placed to be Christianised in England, Sussex was the last. However, I digress.

Christian churches have taken various views of marriage ceremonies during their history. At one time, they frowned on such celebrations and refused to host them at all. Other religions take different views of what is permissible. Notably, muslims believe that up to five people can enter marriages. Is Summers’ arguing that should be somehow banned? No, she is not.

Civil marriages in this country are and always have been a product of civil law in England and Wales. The implied argument here is misconceived.

The government’s undemocratic approach

I didn’t read the manifestos from the Liberal Traitors or the thieving Tory bastards but I’m happy to believe her when she says that allowing same sex marriages wasn’t included. Is she now arguing that a government can only change the law to comply with their manifesto commitments? This argument cannot stand up ~ it has no legs. Every government has made laws which it didn’t campaign for prior to an election. However, they do have to get them through the House of Commons and the Lords, which has Church of England bishops in it as of right. I’ve never heard her complain that they shouldn’t be in there. The idea that governments should not introduce laws which they didn’t mention in their manifestos would stymy our civil society to the point of seizure. Is that really what she wants?

She says that the consultation process was flawed on the basis that it didn’t ask what people wanted. Perhaps she’s not very politically experienced? Perhaps she never troubled herself to read the consultation document? The local council and everyone else was free to say whatever they wanted in the consultation. In fact the very first question in the consultation document asked,

“Do you agree or disagree with enabling all couples, regardless of their gender to have a civil marriage ceremony?”

The second question gave an opportunity to explain the reasons for the answer to the first question:

“Please explain the reasons for your answer. Please respond within 1,225 characters (approx. 200 words).”

The views of people already married

This is a completely specious point. Married people were just as entitled to join with the government’s consultation process as anyone else was. Not only is she politically naive, she’s also misrepresented the facts. The government’s own web page explaining the (now finished) consultation process states that the intended audience for the consultation is:

  • members of the public – particularly those currently in a marriage or civil partnership or those wishing to legally register their relationship in future
  • lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender organisations
  • religious organisations
  • local authorities, including registrars who are responsible for conducting civil marriage ceremonies
  • organisations with an interest in families and relationships
  • comments from all other interested parties are also welcome

I’ve added the emphasis to the first line. However, there it is plain for all to see: the government specifically asked married people to join in with the consultation.

Besides, allowing a change in who can get married doesn’t affect people who are already married. I’m married. If some of my gay friends want to get married, how on earth does that affect me?

Legal implications

This point is absolute nonsense. It looks like Summers has read it elsewhere (Perhaps in the literature of the Christian Legal Centre, who now represent her?). Whatever she has heard elsewhere, her repetition of it here makes so little sense that she weakens her argument considerably. The trick to making an argument, is to stick to your strong points and let the rest go. By including this, Summers looks like she is grasping at any straw floating past. Let’s remind ourselves what she actually said on this point:

“… and the legal implications are a nightmare, we are trying to unravel 800 years of legislation which would have to be rewritten. There are over 3,000 times in the law that marriage is mentioned and associated words like wife, mother, father that would have to be taken out”

Let’s break this down a little. Firstly, the claim that there is 800 years of relevant legislation is just not true. It is true that the concept of legislation begins with the Magna Carta in 1215. However, there hasn’t been legislation on marriage every year since then and almost all of the laws passed in the intervening centuries have either been repealed or otherwise amended. Whilst students of law do have to learn some of the old stuff (What a pleasure that was!), very little of it is still in force. A book called “Is It In Force?” is a useful tool to working this stuff out. It’s a bit of a dry read, mind.

Secondly, there is the issue of the number of times marriage is mentioned in law. Personally, I haven’t counted the number of times that the word “marriage” is mentioned in our law. Perhaps it is over 3,000 times. It doesn’t really matter if it is 3,000 times, 300, 30 or 3 million times. There’s been plenty of examples in the past when we’ve changed our law so that something has to be read differently. Our civil service employs people called Treasure Counsel. They get paid a pretty good salary to work this stuff out. One method is simply to include clauses in the proposed new law which just say something along the lines of “wherever an Act of Parliament makes a reference to ‘husband and wife’, that phrase shall be read to also include ‘husband and husband’ and/or ‘wife’ and ‘wife’…” or similar such words. They’re our laws. We can make and change them according to how we see fit. We use techniques like the one outlined above to alter other phrases which have been used throughout the centuries. There’s no reason why the word “marriage” attracts any special linguistic difficulties. However, mostly the amendments would only have to be made to the Marriage Act 1949.

Finally, on the legal point, she claims that words like “wife“, “mother” and “father” would “have to be taken out.” Perhaps she isn’t just politically naive? Why should we remove any of these words from our law? Besides, ‘mother’ and ‘father’ are descriptions of biological relationships and nothing to do with marriage at all. There always have been and always will be children born out of wedlock. Listening to her spout this crap is embarrassing. Does she want us to treat children born out of wedlock differently? Probably not. More than likely, she literally doesn’t know what she is talking about.

Schools

The question of who can get married has got nothing to do with schools whatsoever. Without any further explanation from her, it is very difficult to see any cogency in this point. Perhaps she is referring to religious schools? She didn’t say so…

Churches

She claims that churches will not be protected, although she doesn’t say what they need to be protected from? The government’s consultation paper was very clear on this point. The first sentence under the section ‘Proposals’ said they meant that

“in law, marriages conducted by the Church of England, Quakers, Jews and all other religious organisations (who have registered their religious premises to host marriages) would only be legally recognised if they are between a man and a woman.”

Which part of this sentence did Summers not understand? By this point, you’ve got to ask yourself (again) whether she has actually read the consultation document at all? Thus far, every point that she has made with respect to it has been untrue.

Hitting at the very heart of God

As with many public speakers, Summers seems to think that it is best to make the strongest argument last. However, having mismanaged her time that left her little room to explain her point. Perhaps she felt it didn’t need further explanation. Let’s remind ourselves of what she said:

“when you touch marriage, you’re touching family and you’re hitting at the very heart of God and I have an enormous problem with that, so woe betide Brighton and woe betide the UK if it becomes law.”

Firstly, she equates marriage with family as if the two concepts are synonymous. Plainly, that is a matter of opinion. There are many people who agree with her world view that parents should be married. There are many others who do not. Incidentally, I spoke to a psychiatrist about whether there was research on the effects of children as to whether the parents lived together or not. She told me that all the research shows that the children will do well if both parents consistently act in the children’s best interests, regardless of the nature of their relationship. However, Summers opinion is that marriage and family are the same thing.

Perhaps that is fair enough but how does she get from there to the bit about God? We’ve had civil marriages in the UK for well over half a century. I’ve entered into one myself. Both my wife and I are atheists. Is Summers’ suggesting that our marriage is somehow not valid? If she is, she wouldn’t dare say that out loud. She knows that is not an acceptable thing to say in public.

Let’s remind ourselves what the Bible says about marriage. Genesis 2:22-24 claims that the first woman was made out of the first man. Proverbs 5:18-19 advises men to enjoy their wife’s breasts. Proverbs 12:4 says that a wife’s character reflects on her husband. Proverbs 18:22 basically says a man is lucky to get a wife. Proverbs 19:14 says that God gives a man a good wife in much the same way that he might inherit wealth from his parents. Proverbs 20:6-7 advises men to be faithful to their wives. Proverbs 30:18-19 basically says that sex between a man and a virgin is too difficult to understand. Proverbs 31:10 says that virtuous wives are rare. Matthew 19:4-6 says that religious marriages cannot end in divorce. Corinthians 7:1-16 says a couple of things: it insists that sex must only be in marriage and that married couples must have sex unless they have agreed to pray instead but they must have sex again afterwards. It also says that atheists are allowed to get divorced! Ephesians 5:22-23 says the wives must submit to their husbands, as does Colossians 3:18-19. Hebrews 13:4-7 speaks out against adultery (and the love of money). Finally, Mark 10:6-9, says religious people cannot divorce.

That’s it. All the references a religious website found on a search for “marriage”. What conclusions can we draw from this? There are passages from both the Old and the New Testament. There’s quite a lot of agreement throughout all the passages. The Bible is sexist. Beyond that though, there is the (for me) startling conclusion that different rules apply to those who are believers compared to those who are not. Isn’t that much the same as what the government is describing? The government is describing changing the law for civil, not religious marriages. Therefore, what is Summers’ problem?

Woe betide…

Her speech ended with an old fashioned threat. Probably she isn’t used to winning arguments and hasn’t studied rhetoric either. All the same, she ought to realise that threatening people is not persuasive approach. If this proposal becomes law, she wishes ill on the people of Brighton. Hove gets included too because she wishes ill on everyone in the UK too!

This person shouldn’t be in the Green Party. It’s doubtful whether she can find a place in any political party now, although doubtless a number of churches will accept her.

What to do if a friend is charged with rape

A friend of mine has been charged with rape and sexual molestation and some other criminal allegations have been made against him too, all of which arise out of the same incident. He’s not a close friend but I have known him for a few years. We’ve spent several evenings playing chess together. When I was taking time out from Occupy London at the end of last year, he helped me considerably with moral support, excellent good humour and encouragement. More recently, he helped me restore my kitchen after it was disassembled for the rewiring. He tells me he is innocent of the charges made against him. Let’s call him Mr K.

Mr K doesn’t just say he is innocent of the charges, he is mortified that they have been brought at all. He has asked me to go over to his flat this evening and read through the prosecution witness statements with him. I don’t want to do this. I would rather spend my Friday night with my wife. Frankly, I would rather do almost anything else than do this. He helped me when I was in tough times. You stick by your friends, right? Times like these are when you find out who your real friends are.

Julian Assange is accused of rape and other sexual offences. The Swedish authorities have sought his extradition from London to interview him again in connection with these allegations. In the Swedish criminal procedure, formal charging (what we call indictment) comes much later than it does in the UK. A further interview is required first. Instead of going to Sweden to clear his name, Assange has taken up residency in the Ecuadorean embassy in London and claimed the protection of that country. He fears a second extradition to the USA, for his work with Wikileaks, where he fears he may face the death penalty or life imprisonment. His supporters have obtained and published across the internet the witness statements made by his accusers. Assange himself has been silent on the events which his accusers say amount to criminal conduct. Assange’s friends have not been silent. They have adopted various strategies in his defence, ranging from throwing dirt at his accusers to employing various legal arguments about the prospects of onward extradition. Assange’s friends’ legal arguments have been rubbished and no competent lawyer can be found who will publicly agree with them. Yet he refuses the opportunity to clear his name. He has also been silent on the desperate tactics employed in his defence. He could easily disassociate himself from some of the more unsavoury stuff from the safety of his asylum.

Mr K has already given me an account of the night in question. He knows that I won’t be coaching him with ‘a good story’. He didn’t ask me to. I know he doesn’t want me to help him in that way. He has a good recollection of what happened and he wants to tell his side of the story. I’ve helped him a little bit already by putting him in contact with a good firm of solicitors, Kaim Todnor, rather than the shonky Brighton firm he had employed to start with. He’s asked me over tonight to calm him down and be clear headed. I’ll be there as a friend, not as a lawyer. I’ll read through the witness statements, share as few thoughts as I legally can with him and then take him on over the chess board to distract him. Being all consumed with something like this is not healthy. I’m going to give him moral support.

Coaching means helping someone either make up a story or iron out defects in their story. Despite how films, television and literary culture present our legal system, it is illegal for lawyers to coach their clients or anyone else. Aside from it being illegal, it is also pointless because coached witnesses can be spotted very easily by experienced advocates in a court room. Ever tried to tell a story second-hand? A joke? Haven’t you found yourself ending with the words, “it was better the way my friend told it“? It just doesn’t work. I’ve won dozens of trials because people thought that they could get clever and work up a fictional account of the relevant events between them. Once the invention starts to unravel, the threads become hopelessly entangled. One time, early on in my barristerial career, I found myself in a small conference room in Basildon Magistrates’ Court, with a big client with big muscles between myself and the door. I sat down behind the desk. He closed the door and said, “I’m guilty. I did the crime exactly as the prosecution says I did. Now you tell me what to say to get off.” Whilst he sat down, I swallowed hard and said, “I’m not going to do that. You have to plead guilty if you want me to represent you. Then I can try to mitigate your sentence.” He leapt to his feet, pointed his finger at me accusingly and in a very aggressive manner told me, “Fuck you. This is your job. You’re my fucking barrister. This is what barristers do. Do your fucking job or I’ll…“, the threat was clear enough. He didn’t need to spell it out. I don’t mind admitting that I was scared but nonetheless I patiently explained that he had to plead guilty or sack me. He sacked me when the trial began and then pleaded not guilty. I breathed a sigh of relief and attempted my own escape but the stipendiary magistrate stopped me. He made me watch the trial at the back of the room. My ex-client was convicted and imprisoned for six months.

Mr K’s already been interviewed by the police and formally charged. For Mr K, the trial can’t come quick enough. He wants to clear his name. I’m impressed at how well he is coping with the evident stress. Make no mistake about this: if he is convicted he will lose his friends, the respect of his family and probably access to his children. He’ll also go to prison. Previously, he had drawn a modicum of comfort from the widespread myth that the conviction rate in rape cases is only 6%. I disabused him of that notion and explained that the conviction rate for rape charges is actually 58%, which is marginally higher than the conviction rate for some other violent offences. Why did I do that? You might think that wasn’t a very friendly thing to do. I chose to tell him the truth rather than allow him a false comfort blanket. Mr K appreciates knowing the raw truth. He values his friends according to how honest they are with him.

Mr K’s next court hearing is set for him to say how he pleads to the charges. I’ve promised to attend. I’ll also be attending all further hearings with him, including the trial. As far as the law is concerned, he is innocent unless proven guilty beyond reasonable doubt. That’s my moral code too.

Of course, I’d rather do other things with my life than sit through yet another serious trial but he’s my friend and I’m going to do the right thing. Plenty of people form opinions before they possess all the evidence. With allegations of this nature, it is rare that all the evidence emerges before trial. In my courtroom experience, there was almost always something which got revealed for the first time in the trial itself. That is a major factor in explaining why conviction rates are not 100%. Far too many folk reach decisions on the basis of what they have heard from ‘the press’. Some people watch trials but don’t sit through the whole thing because they are so ready to reach their own conclusions. It is only when you have heard all of the evidence that you are fit to judge. That is the main reason why I remain opposed to televising court proceedings. Remote viewers do not tend to watch everything.

To answer the question begged by this post’s title, the best thing to do if your friend is charged with rape is to listen. You can’t do anything else. Listen to what your friend has to say, listen to the evidence given in court, listen carefully. Only after you have had that opportunity, can you risk forming an opinion on the matter. Mr K has given me that opportunity by telling me what his hearing dates are.

The far more high profile Mr Assange, who would have us believe that he is friends with the world at large, has denied us that opportunity. We can’t listen to the evidence relating to the accusations against him. Does that mean that we can’t form an opinion on his guilt? Yes, it does. Yet we can decide to withdraw our friendship. In increasingly large numbers, that is what his supporters have been doing. There will be some who stick by him. They should be asking themselves why? They would do well to remember that for centuries rape was not treated as a serious crime. Consistent campaigning has changed that, thankfully. Running away from Sweden has revealed Mr Assange to be a coward, not the courageous soul he would have us believe.

I have no doubt that Mr K could flee the country if wanted. He’s free on bail right now. He could easily head for another, more convenient part of the world. He doesn’t want to. He wants a jury to declare him innocent of the charges, to close this ugly chapter in his life. He lacks the huge publicity and wealthy friends which Mr Assange has. Yet he has something which the infamous Australian seems to have lost, something far more valuable. Integrity.

The brothels of Brighton & Hove: the businesses that dare not speak their names

Brighton & Hove has around 80 brothels. They don’t call themselves that, of course. They call themselves massage parlours but everyone knows what they are. No-one visits them for a massage. Men visit them for the sex they cannot get elsewhere and the police visit them to check that the women working there are neither children nor trafficked. Occasionally the police also visit them to protect them from other criminals, such as the armed robbers shown in this video, who recently received indeterminate prison sentences with a minimum term of five years each.

That video shows the business room in Brighton Belles, which sells sex for upwards of £40 in its seven bedrooms, the majority of which sport patriotic bed linen. £40 buys ten minutes’ masturbation. Sexual intercourse costs at least £50; at that price it will last for 15 minutes. The brothel’s name is a trading name of South Coast Belles LLP, which is owned by Peter Wakeham, who has 26 prostitutes regularly working for him via the premises. It’s probably fair to call this business the better end of the so-called in-call local whoring market. Out-call is the description given to the situation where the prostitute comes to visit you, usually at your home or your hotel bedroom. In-call is cheaper sex that out-call.

The law on brothels in the UK is a complete muddle. A house is considered to be a brothel if more than one couple have sex outside marriage in it, even if this happens at different times and even if there is no exchange of money. Obviously that could include most of the houses in the country. Prostitution by someone over the age of 18 has never been criminalised. The punters visiting a brothel commit a criminal offence the moment they hand over their money, if the prostitute has been forced into the industry; this is a strict liability offence, which means that the man (women don’t tend to pay for sex), will be guilty of it regardless of what he knows about the prostitute he pays for. Brothels are allowed to advertise their services, so long as they don’t do so in various public places. Print media is not considered to be a public place. Neither is the internet! Managing a brothel for financial gain is also illegal (Sexual Offences Act 1956, amended in 2003), which presumably puts Mr Wakeham and all the other brothel owners in Brighton & Hove beyond the law. Please note, that although subtle, a distinction between them and pimps does exist.

Although the police have the right to close brothels, in Brighton & Hove Sussex Police operate a policy of tolerating them so as to protect the sex workers earning a living inside them. Elsewhere in the country, police attitudes vary from zero tolerance to permitting so-called red light zones. Generally speaking, so long as a brothel doesn’t disturb its neighbours and doesn’t break the laws protecting children from paedophiles or preventing the human trafficking they are allowed to continue in business.

In 2008 the UK Government Equalities Office (Part of the Home Office) commissioned an opinion poll from Ipsos MORI on the subject of public attitudes to prostitution in general. The two part survey found that the British public was evenly divided as to whether it should be legal or illegal. The subsequent report says that, “the public acceptability of both buying and selling sex drops off when people consider that the buyer or seller is a relation.” In other words we don’t know what we really think about this but we don’t want our daughters involved. That may be a selfish argument akin to wanting a properly functioning sewer system in your city but not wanting your own sister to work mucking it out.

The major national political parties’ policies on the subject vary considerably. On the whole, they don’t want to talk about the subject too much. That said, the last Labour government led the charge against the human traffickers by introducing legislation which enabled the police to pursue them. There can be little doubt that many trafficked women and girls have been exploited for the profiteering of the sex industry. Beyond that, the emphasis was on shifting the criminality from the women working in the industry to the men paying for it. The Conservative Party hasn’t voiced any opinion of its own on the subject in recent years. The Liberal Democrats have been similarly quiet, although in 2009 they opposed the creation of the strict liability offence mentioned above. The Green Party has the most comprehensive policy statement on its website, although most of that does not make it into its national manifesto. It’s 2012 Spring Conference called for the ending of the classification of the offences of “Loitering or Soliciting for the Purpose of Prostitution” and “Brothelkeeping” (sic) as sexual offences, on the grounds that “the permanent retention of sexual offences on an individual’s record, through the enhanced criminal records bureau check, can be a significant barrier to women and men who wish to leave sex work but are prevented from entering many jobs as a result of this record, and may also have severe and unwarranted consequences for family life.”

Of the other organisations which like to meddle in the morality of the country, religious organisations stand out most conspicuously. The Bible is pretty clear that prostitution is sinful. With two-thirds of the British public consistently supporting a woman’s right to choose abortion, Christian fundamentalists have realised that they have lost that argument. Yet that hasn’t stopped them from harassing women outside abortion clinics in the UK recently. There have been similar pickets in Brighton & Hove recently, dressed up as prayer sessions. Despite public opinion being much more divided on the morality of prostitution, we don’t see any christians praying outside brothels for the ‘sins’ of the men and women within. Of course not all religious people are extremist in their bigotry. Many church leaders have been campaigning vigorously against the introduction of single gender marriages but still they stay silent on the lack of law enforcement in relation to brothel keepers.

This is an industry with an estimated 80,000 workers in the UK. The tabloid press routinely make hay with news of people employing its services. One in ten British men are reported to have paid for sex. To describe prostitution as the world’s oldest profession is trite. To ask questions about the laws surrounding it being routinely flouted, often with the connivance of the police, seems to be territory into which few dare to tread. To suggest that we should buck up our ideas and accept that Victorian morality is now firmly part of history meets with uproar from the established media, which makes much money with its cries of ‘shame’. Surely, at the very least, we can expect people to call a spade a spade and a massage parlour a brothel? Euphemisms and disingenuous talk doesn’t help us discuss the issues involved in a straight forward manner, it helps us hide the truth from ourselves. Surely, in an age when we can all see our royal princes naked, our evident war crimes and our proclivities for self-harm all out in the open, we can finally discuss how much money revolves around the sex trade?

What are Christian contracts?

England has a very highly developed law of contract, largely because the jurisdiction has not been invaded for many centuries. Consequently vast swathes of the world choose, in their commercial agreements, to agree to disagree in over here. Clauses stating, “in the event of a dispute, litigation will occur in the High Court in London” and the like are frequently inserted into huge contracts between parties who have no intention of visiting Madame Windsor’s playground, let alone doing any business here. Fighting the big cases generates huge respect for our lawyers around the world and a fair income for the public houses of Legal London. When they’re not drinking or fighting, English solicitors and barristers like nothing more than a good read.

The most readable, informative and authoritative tome on English contract law is Chitty. It truly is a remarkable book. When I retired from the Bar, I sold my law books but I kept Chitty. It is just too useful to lose. Like an old friend, inside its greyed hard cover sits a wealth of helpful advice, amusement and fond memories. It bothers me not that it is slightly out of date (I have the 29th edition, the publishers are on the 31st now), is too expensive for the ordinary mortal to own and has more editors than authors. It covers the whole history of disputes in England or, at any rate, those which made it to court for resolution. The first volume (1,967 pages in my edition) covers general principles, the second (1,785) refers to specific contracts. Anyone with a reasonable level of literacy and a considerable quantity of time can master the entirety of the English law of contract by reading it from beginning to end.

Thus, we are taught first to recognise what a contract actually is. The reputation of law as a creature with an multifarious nature is immediately established. The editors pounce on this opportunity in the very first sentence:

“There are two main competing definitions of a contract at common law.”

After the introduction, we learn about the steps by which a contract is formed, then the capacity of the parties, the nature of contractual terms themselves, illegality, joint obligations, third parties and assignment, performance and discharge, remedies for breach of contract, restitution and, finally, what to do in the event of a conflict of laws. That’s just the first volume. I won’t claim to have read it all and I definitely haven’t touched the 10th part of the second volume: “Gambling and Wagering“. Yet, I am so sure that nowhere in the law is there a general escape clause for Christians who wish to avoid their earthly obligations that I am willing to lay a bet on it. I’ll give £100 to anyone who can prove me wrong. Aside from requiring the proof to be sound law and dated before today, no terms and conditions apply.

The Christian Law Centre (CLC) is run by Andrea Minichiello Williams and David Clark. It claims that Christian Concern is a “sister organisation”; it was also started by Williams, who is a barrister. As with your humble correspondent, she is not in private practice (you can check via the Bar Directory). In an interview in 2009 with Evangelicals Now (http://www.e-n.org.uk/), she broke ranks with the normal etiquette of the Bar by boasting about a legal case the CLC lost and then compounded the problem by confusing it with another argument altogether:

Evangelicals Now: Tell us about some of the cases with which CCFON has been involved recently.

Williams: … During our campaign against the legalisation of creating and exploiting animal-human hybrids for research in the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill (as it then was), the Christian Legal Centre applied for a judicial review of the decision by the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority to grant licences to two universities to create and destroy animal-human hybrid embryos. The judicial review was not granted, but in January this year the newspapers reported that insufficient funding had been obtained by the universities concerned because their research was deemed to be less useful to science than other stem-cell research. We lost the case, but won the argument!

(bold added)

Strange though it is to claim that an argument based on religious grounds has been won because the ‘objectionable’ project was abandoned for entirely different reasons, the CLC has striven after even more absurd theories. In April last year, she penned an article for the Law Society Gazette (a publication famous for publishing just about anything), in which she claimed that,

“Modern legal thought, however, particularly under the Blair/Brown regime and now under Cameron and Clegg, has been dominated by liberal secular humanism, exemplified in the equalities legislation of the past decade.”

before going on to claim that only Christianity could save the English from state imposed totalitarianism. By way of evidence for this wild notion, she prayed in aid a series of well known workplace disputes over religion as if these local issues were somehow the fault of high politics.

This stance reveals Williams as a member of the increasingly desperate ranks of holier than thou right-wingers. Politics for them is a lost case so they clothe themselves in the habit of a particularly odd interpretation of Christianity instead. Gone is the famous slogan – love thy neighbour – and in its place is a series of conveniently collected Old Testament mores. Quite why they draw the line before supporting the reintroduction of slavery, no-one really knows. Here’s their favourite book has to say on the subject:

Exodus 21:7-8 “And if a man sell his daughter to be a maidservant, she shall not go out as the menservants do.”

That’s but one example. Williams’ most recent foraging expedition into politics has strayed into my home town. Big mistake. She saw fit to finger me along the way. An even bigger mistake. Whether she has been actively recruited by local councillor Christina Summers or whether she has volunteered her assistance we do not know but one thing is clear, this rogue councillor now has the backing of Williams’ odd legal outfit and supposed sister ‘organisations’.

The background to the story is that Summers was elected as a Green Party councillor for the Hollingdean and Stanmer ward on Brighton & Hove City Council in 2011. Before being selected by the party, she signed a declaration that she would advance equality in keeping with Green Party policy. The Greens were the first mainstream party to support the introduction of same gender civil marriages. Summers was interviewed by a selection panel inside the party and specifically asked whether, in the event of a conflict between her conscience and the party’s policy, she would vote with the policy or according to whatever she preferred. She replied that she would vote with the party’s policy. No ifs, no buts. Subsequently, she was selected as a candidate, party money was expended on her election campaign and she was elected. On 19th July 2012, she broke her promise to the party by voting against a motion in support of same gender civil marriages.

Incidentally, a few days later Scotland legalised same gender civil marriages. If you’re new to this subject, you may be wondering why I keep including the word ‘civil’. The reason is because these legal changes make no difference to church weddings whatsoever. Furthermore, there is no lobby to make any such changes because no-one gives a hoot what the churches do. First the god squad opposed the concept that the earth travelled around the sun, then they gave in to reality. Then they opposed the idea of galaxies being comprised of suns like our own, in countless number, then they gave that up. Then they opposed the notion of evolution, then they gave that up. Now they want to claim that gay people being permitted to marry will somehow undermine their pointless little club. They’ll give this notion up too, just as they gave up slavery, stoning adulterous women to death and wearing costumes made from only one sheet of cloth.

Here’s the article from ‘Christian Concern’ in support of Summers:

Christian Concern webpage backing Christina Summers for her breach of contract.

Christian Concern does not consider contracts worth honouring. Click to expand.

This article ignores the history of Green Party policy on the matter of LGBT rights. Having failed to reference support for same gender civil marriages coming first from the Green Party, it makes no comment at all on it being considered by the membership to be a “core policy”. Having pretended those facts were not worthy of a mention, it announces that, “members of the Green Party have a free vote on issues of conscience“. This type of rhetoric is pure sophistry, in the worst sense of the word. No-one can argue with the statement as it stands. The trouble is, Christian Concern have stood it up in the air without any legs to support it.

Plainly, so far as the Green Party is concerned, this is not an issue of conscience. What party will allow one of its core policies to be declared an matter of conscience for individual interpretation? Issues of conscience in politics are declared thus by the parties, not by those people who stand in church doors and pub bars, noisily protesting their preferred ethics. The right-wingers and the crazier end of the Christian communion may wish it was issue of conscience but they have not yet formed a party of their own from which to make such a pronouncement. They prefer to lurk in the shadows instead or hide behind the banners of other parties.

The article goes on to quote Summers’ interview with the local rag (popularly known as the Evening Anus, by the way). Summers apparently told this newspaper and its rapidly dwindling readership that marriage is for procreation. We all know this is not consistent with Christian belief and practice. If it was the elderly and the infertile would not be permitted to marry in Church. My wife and I have been unable to have children. This pains us greatly but we love each other, we wish to stay together until death us do part. The logic of Summers’ plea is that we should get divorced because marriage is not for us! Presumably, she and Williams and all the rest of them would say that we might get lucky, that miracles do happen. There is, of course, no arguing with that. For what it’s worth, such a miracle would now be most unwelcome. I’m too old to raise kids. If there’s any miracles going spare, I pray they get shared out amongst the more deserving youth.

The article goes on, referring to Summers’ statement that “every political party is a compromise“. Of course, that must be true. This is the point at which any reasonable reporter would mention the promises made by Summers to the Greens. Christian Concern neatly sidesteps that them. It must know about them, they were reported on my blog before they stepped in. The only logical conclusion is that Christian Concern wishes to conceal the truth.

Summers is reported as complaining that “a redefinition of marriage will endanger the conscience rights of schools and churches“. What on earth has this got to do with schools or churches? The former doesn’t conduct any form of marriage ceremony and the latter has nothing to do with civil marriages. It’s worth mentioning at this point that civil marriages have existed for centuries, without the church objecting. In fact, for a long time, churches refused to allow marriages to occur inside their buildings at all. This awkward piece of legal history is completely ignored by the article. Without an author’s name to the piece, it is reasonable to assume that Williams penned the piece herself or has approved it.

Normally when a barrister states a case, both sides of the debate are explained, the opposing side is undermined or diminished. This is both good tactics and honest argument. Williams’ approach is most unethical: she simply ignores the bits she can’t argue with. This is a disingenuous method because it leaves the naive reader without the full debate to decide on. It is a tactic reduced to rhetoric, it relies on the audience being uninformed.

Finally, the article wraps up with Williams’ own words. She says,

“The strong-arm tactics of the Green Party apparatchiks in this instance are disturbing. For a party that prides itself on equality, it is deeply ironic that it seeks to remove Christina Summers for her views on marriage. Clearly some views are more equal than others in the Green Party.”

An apparatchik is an official of an organisation. Alone of all the Green Party members, only I have publicly called for Summers’ expulsion. I hold no position in the party. This could have easily been checked – our party has a full time media crew. This statement is misleading and recklessly so. What purpose is served by this cavalier tactic? Undeterred by the need for basic fact checking, Williams goes on,

Hauling a councillor before a disciplinary panel for expressing her view on marriage in a free vote is unprincipled and unfair. What kind of freedom is it if someone is investigated for expressing a different opinion? Trying to coerce people into being loyal to the party above being loyal to their individual conscience calls to mind the worst kind of totalitarian politics.

Sources inside the party’s upper echelons tell me that the process of calling Summers to a “Panel of Inquiry” is expected to take many weeks. Clearly, that is the slowest hauling of all time. Again, Williams has repeated her false claim that this was “free vote“.

In fact, the Greens have no whip. Therefore, it can be argued that all their votes are free votes and, at the same time, none are. The fact is that free votes are incompatible with issues upon which there is a decided party policy. Before the vote in question, the Green Group of Councillors met and discussed all the issues on the agenda for the full meeting of Brighton & Hove Council, as they always do. Collectively, as is the established routine, they decided how to vote. Every other Green Party councillor voted internally to support the (Labour) motion. My sources say that after Summers explained how she intended to dissent, the tension rose, but they did not attempt to discipline her at that point. Instead they waited for her to make her speech and cast her vote, having warned her that this was against the policy she had previously agreed to support.

If this is what Williams describes as ‘coercion’ and “the worst kind of totalitarian politics“, she must be incredibly naive indeed and rather ignorant of world history. When Saddam Hussein first seized power, he gathered his ministers around a table, explained his plans for the country and invited them to feel free to offer up any constructive criticism. One of them made some modest proposal. As he was speaking, Saddam walked around the room. Suddenly, when he was walking behind the speaking minister, he drew his pistol and blew the man’s brains out. They splattered the cabinet table and the men opposite. Then he asked, “are there any more suggestions?” That’s totalitarianism. The word describes a system of government in which a dictator is absolute and unfettered by any rules or law. The mere fact that the Green Party has called up a Panel of Inquiry which will be convened according to the party’s constitution, disproves this wild allegation.

The paltry quality of the case raised by Williams on Summers’ behalf, hasn’t stopped subscribers to Christian Concern from contacting me. Mainly they have resorted to leaving comments on some posts I have written about Summers. None of them have seen fit to read a post I wrote last year praising her for making the best speech in the council budget meeting. Their comments and emails repeat similar phrases, as if there may have been a suggested text to complain with. I have been called a fascist. The word totalitarianism is called in for support.

Truth be told, despite me one of only three Green Party members mentioned in the article (Including Summers!), very few commentators and correspondents have criticised me. Compare and contrast this to the ire I provoked by criticising the Freeman on the Land brigade. That’s a bizarre cult, which promises freedom from debt instead of heaven, and worships fictional law rather than a god. The adherents to that creed have been campaigning against me for months and have left hundreds of comments on this blog. Of course, it may be an unfair comparison. Summers et al haven’t had so long but the early signs are that whatever campaigning Williams has managed to mount is running out of steam already

In the final analysis, we have Summers’ candour to the local newspaper, to which she claimed that she was not accountable to the party but to God. Various observers have noted that she will be accountable to the electorate, should she choose to stand for election again. (If she does that, there will be an absolutely enormous campaign against her – the plans are already being laid, mainly by the substantial LGBT community locally.) She is free to believe that she will have to answer for her actions on Judgment Day. No-one has any particular problem with that. Her freedom of belief is, as they say, sacrosanct. However, both she and Williams choose to ignore the main issue: the contract that political candidates have with their party.

The nature of this contract will vary from party to party. As far as we know, only the Green Party in Brighton & Hove have required its candidates to sign the equality pledge. Then there is the matter of Summers having declared that she would vote with the party rather than with her own conscience. If this were a legal dispute, Summers would be liable for breach of contract and/or an actionable statement under the Misrepresentation Act. Though there can be little doubt that a contract was formed, this is never going to reach a court of law. Judges would be extremely slow to interfere in individual political choices. Quite right too. However, the analogy is absolutely sound. These issues ruin the case for Summers. There is no wriggle room. None whatsoever.

Therefore, although this isn’t a legal dispute, Summers’ insistence and Williams’ support for her begs the questions whether they believe that:

  • Christians can escape their end of a contract with another party?
  • Christians can misrepresent the priority they will give their ‘conscience’, when striking a bargain?
  • Christians cannot be bound by earthly contracts?
  • Christians need not be honest?

If they do claim these privileges, why do they not claim them also in law? If they do not, why don’t they admit the facts of the present case?

Although I personally have railed against religion, the Green Party has not. By seeking to portray the dispute as one between freedom of religion and oppression, the Christian Right have undermined their own credibility and dishonoured the numerous martyrs against real oppression around the world, many of whom share their faith. The facts are painfully simple. There are some basic home truths, which they would do well to recognise. Christians, along with everyone else, are bound by the contracts they enter into. If a broken deal is a legal matter, we can expect to face legal consequences. If the deal is political, we can expect political consequences. If you want to work with other people, you have to prove your trustworthiness. That is as true in the workplace as it is in a political party.  If you prove yourself unreliable, dishonest or untrustworthy, you will more than likely risk being sacked. There are no special privileges available for people with any one particular faith. There is no such thing as a Christian contract.