Category Archives: Police Violence

The final fascist “March for England” in Brighton

Yesterday various fascist groups mustered their followers with the intention of frightening the good people of Brighton on a sunny St George’s Day. This was their fourth visit to my home town and, arguably, the most disastrous for them so far. Their numbers were few, their march was pathetic, they were massively outnumbered by counter-protesters. Following the fiasco of the 2012 March for England, Sussex Police adopted a different strategy, namely to separate the visiting fascists from the local counter-protesters. As yesterday’s sunny afternoon turned into a chilly evening, the police were congratulating themselves on a successful operation. From a purely policing point of view, it appeared better than last year, when they found themselves overwhelmed by the numbers of anti-fascists, lost control of their plan for the day and even failed to arrest one fascist thug whom they had wrestled to the ground.

However, that superficial analysis breaks down when the facts on the ground are examined more closely. With a helicopter, approximately 700 officers, some mounted, three dozen riot vans and various roads sealed off with large metal barricades which would be the envy of any commercial event, their advance preparation was better organised. They arranged low level barricades, behind the bannister on the sea front, into a chain of pens which were slow and cumbersome to climb over. Presumably the idea was that the anti-fascists could not disrupt the march by bursting through that dead zone. Unfortunately, the police couldn’t easily cross the barrier either. Despite declaring in advance that protesters would not be tolerated outside their various designated zones, when known fascists entered the anti-fascist zones, the police could not enter it to contain them. I witnessed a group of six flag waving fascists at 12:53pm well inside the anti-fascist zone (opposite the Thistle Hotel). Local people called across to the police to remove them but for several minutes the police just stood around as if they were little more than lollipop men. I shouted over a request that they deal with the situation but the response was, “Stop shouting!” After many requests one police officer wandered over to his side of his barricade and asked the fascists to climb over it. Looking somewhat reluctant, he put a foot on the railing and said, “Are you going to climb out or do I have to climb in?” The fascists argued with him. He did not climb in. Two protest liaison officers were eventually seen strolling up towards the illegal immigrants, as if they had all the time in the world. They were escorted away but not, so far as I can tell, arrested.

Sussex Police barriers between the beach and the seafront road on Sunday 21st April 2013

Bad luck if that’s your bicycle

This incident was repeated several times before the fascist march began. On the one occasion I witnessed when the police did climb across their barrier, it looked like a training exercise performed by Dad’s Army. When Sussex Police sat down to plan their day (Operation Wheeler), did they not ask themselves how they would cross their own barrier if they needed to?

Prior to the march beginning, known fascists were allowed to wander freely around town, waving flags and chanting “Eng-ger-land”. This behaviour is indistinguishable from their method of protest on their official march. Therefore, it is fair to call it protesting. Yet they do not seem to have been arrested for it. At 1:12pm two flag waving fascists managed to squeeze through a gap between two of the blue police vans shown above so that they could confront the hundreds of people occupying the roads to the North of the roundabout by the Palace Pier. They were pushed back by mounted officers fairly swiftly. Were they arrested? I don’t know, but Sussex Police should be able to answer that question.

More worryingly, no-one in Sussex Police seems to have thought about any form of public address system. With 150 uncooperative fascists and 3,000 angry locals to deal with, the police left themselves with no method to communicate with large parts of the crowd. Instead they seemed to rely on officers barking orders to whoever was in the mood to listen. At one point I found myself in conversation with several of the local councillors and the MP for Brighton Pavilion, Caroline Lucas, all of whom were were protesting against the fascists. One of them informed me that the police had promised them that they would have a public address system. Why was this promise broken? Surely it could not have been for want of financial resources?

Perhaps that last question should be directed to Katy Bourne, the Conservative Party Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner. She is in charge of allocating the resources for Sussex Police. Every section of Brighton’s political and social community declared its opposition to the fascists, except the Conservative Party. Sadly, the local Tories spent most of 2011 and much of 2012 concentrating their fire power on whipping up hatred against Traveller groups living on the fringes of the city, with the result that they were widely accused of racism. Their silence on this year’s arrival of the blatant racists echoed their failure to comment the year before. The combination of their refusal to condemn racism on our streets, their encouragement of racist attitudes and one of them now running the police is exactly what people most feared when the Police and Crime Commissioner posts were created. With each step, the police look increasingly politicised. Of course there are some sections of society which will never trust the police. The tragedy is that now many of us, who previously were prepared to accept that policing is a complicated job, now distrust the police because of this politicisation. The Tories tell us that operational decisions remain purely in the hands of the Chief Constable but he can no longer be regarded as independent when a politician has the power to fire him and hire someone else. The Tories could easily have condemned the so-called March for England. That they didn’t must have been a deliberate decision. It sits uncomfortably with the kindly manner the police treated the fascists in comparison to the locals.

I arrived at the seafront hours before the march began. The first thing I did was ask a policeman with a camera to photograph me and take a note of my identity. I explained that I done the same thing the year before and that, consequently, the police had been able to safely ignore various unfounded allegations made against me online because they knew that the fascists had identified someone else as me (someone who threw an empty plastic water bottle). This year the policeman I spoke to refused. I was struck by them failing to understand my request. I had to explain it and the reasons for it three times. The officer with the camera told me, “We are only photographing people where a crime is committed or there is a risk to public order.” I suggested that, as with the year before, police time need not be wasted if they photographed me again. This generated a different response, “We’ve got a problem with our batteries and cannot take too many pictures.” Police officers should tell the truth, so it’s fair to presume that this wasn’t some petty lie to get me to go away. That’s another question for Katy Bourne to answer. She can talk to the officer who refused to photograph me because his colleague allowed me to photograph his number instead:

A police officer in Brighton, 21st April 2013

Luckily I didn’t have a battery problem

Later on, another police officer with a camera photographed me when I suggested to the fascists, through my megaphone, that having turned around to march back to the Palace Pier, they were now facing Mecca. Then I played them the Call To Prayer, which they didn’t seem to enjoy but with hundreds of police and their barrier separating us, it couldn’t possibly have been described as a threat to public order.

After the march, the police allowed some fascists to roam around town looking for fights, just like last year. Predictably, there were outbursts of violence around the town well into the evening. Some people blame the violence on Antifa, who were out in strength. However, Antifa only exist to prevent the fascists from taking to the streets. They don’t demonstrate on their own. Had the fascists not been given a licence to demonstrate wherever they wanted, there would have been no trouble. They were even escorted to a bar in West Street to enjoy a drink! The police showed the Antifa activists little mercy and repeatedly attacked them. At one point one of them was wrestled to the ground because he refused to take off a face mask. Yet I saw plenty fascists covering their faces. Again, it is now very hard not to see the police as a politically motivated force, much as they were in the Thatcher years. Further proof of police bias to the far right comes from the fact that Sussex Police paid for at least one coach to bus the fascists to the start of the march. I’ve been on plenty of demonstrations in my time but I never heard of the police sorting out protesters’ travel arrangements before. This is another question for Katy Bourne to address.

On the plus side, Brightonians excelled themselves in their mockery of the fascism. Unsatisfied with screaming abuse, all manner of creative counter-protest dominated the day. The top prize for sheer good humour goes to the new EDL. If you follow that link, you’ll see that it doesn’t go to the racist English Defence League but instead to the English Disco Lovers. Already they are close to their stated aim of being the first result in online searches for the EDL. Their disco danced its way along the seafront all day and proved the value of good humour as a challenge to hatred. After some of the fascists had been bussed out of the town centre by the police, I went off to speak to them. It would be inappropriate to reveal the details of that conversation now but suffice it to say that we can be confident the fascists will not dominate St George’s Day in Brighton next year. 2013 was their final march. Watch this space and the EDL website for more information. The English Disco Lovers appear at 0:53 in this video:

Yesterday should have seen all of Brighton united against fascism. Of course, no-one could have been surprised by the Tories’ attitude but the real shock of the day was seeing the local Labour Party’s official tweeter attempt to make political capital out of the fact that the Green Party administration of the City Council had previously declared itself supportive of the lawful right to protest. Early on in the afternoon, @BHLabour, tweeted, “Businesses closes and residents terrified as @BHGreens proclamation that we are a city of protest brings March for England to our city #labour

Brighton & Hove Labour Party tweet criticising the Green Party as if they welcomed fascists to Brighton. 21st April 2013

Brighton & Hove Labour Party’s official twitter account created division instead of unity

This tweet was met with a storm of protest from all sorts of people, including several prominent Labour Party members and local trades unionists, many of whom could not be described as sympathetic to the Green Party, such as Caroline Penn. Ever since 1936, whenever the fascists have taken to the streets in Britain, everyone else has put their differences aside and united against fascism. Aside from the nonsensical nature of the tweet (the fascists came to Brighton before the Greens won power in the city), much offence was caused by it. Who on earth was on Labour’s Sunday shift on twitter last week? It wasn’t just a single tweet. Here’s another, at 2:26pm.

Brighton & Hove Labour Party tweet, concentrating on division rather than unity against fascism. 21st April 2013

Another divisive tweet from the Brighton & Hove Labour Party

And another, at 3:48pm:

Brighton & Hove Labour Party tweet, concentrating on division rather than unity against fascism. 21st April 2013

Labour insists on division

The decision to allow the march was made purely by Sussex Police. There is no mechanism for a political party to “apply to have march banned.” It wasn’t just three divisive tweets. Here’s another at 4:44pm:

Brighton & Hove Labour Party tweet, concentrating on division rather than unity against fascism. 21st April 2013

Will Labour explain its policy on the law on protest?

Did the Labour Party ask Sussex Police to ban the fascist march? No, they did not. By 7:18pm, the local Labour Party seemed to have come to its senses. It offered this apology:

An apology from Brighton & Hove Labour Party for creating division instead of building unity against fascim. 21st April 2013

Brighton & Hove Labour Party makes first apology

Some people complained that this apology appeared to attempt to shift the blame onto those offended. Seeing the logic of that, Labour offered another apology, at 7:46pm:

False claim that Brighton & Hove Labour Party had removed offending tweet. 21st April 2013

Brighton & Hove Labour Party falsely claimed that it had removed offending tweets

At the time of writing this blog post, the first tweet has been removed but the three subsequent tweets, shown above, which make similar points and cannot be described as in the spirit of unity are still on twitter, for all the world to see. The Brighton & Hove Labour Party has a proud tradition of opposing fascism. It has long been involved in anti-fascist movements and must understand what unity means. Its insistence on abandoning unity against fascism is a very sad development indeed. Recently the local Labour Party suspended one of its local councillors (Anne Meadows). Will it now suspend its twitterers, who have chosen to create division rather than unite against fascism?

British Olympic police say don’t get on yer bike!

Danny Boyle surprised the most cynical about the London Olympics with an opening ceremony closer to the country we recognise than expected. Collective action, dissent, humour and our public services featured centre stage in a revision test for the ideal citizennship test. The Olympic flame has been lit, the scene is set, the greatest show on earth can begin. For the next 16 days, we’ll have a feel good factor in the UK on a scale we haven’t had for years, decades even. We’ll forget about the corporate whoring, the absurdity of branding police monitoring bagel shops in East London, the easy profiteering on the back of this early peace movement. We’ll kick back, crack open more beers than are healthy and cheer the greatest athletes of eternity compete for the highest glory. Along the way, a new generation of one day British Olympians will be inspired to concentrate their lives on the good things, especially the ones we’re good at, like cycling.

Last night’s spectacular was not all the world saw of London last night. Thanks to twitter, newly emboldened by the English High Court decision earlier in the day (here’s my commentary and full appeal judgement in Paul Chambers’ case, readable on any device), a confusing alternative vision of London emerged. This other story also involved a celebration of sporting endeavour, dissent, humour and, erm, violent arrests. The occasion was critical mass, a monthly event, a peaceful plea for the pleasures of cycling.

The last Friday of every month London witnesses this a good natured mass cycle ride, which has been the subject of considerable legal argument already. The highest judges in the land (then known as the Law Lords), decided in 2008, with reference to the Public Order Act 1986, that was “inconceivable that Parliament could have intended … to outlaw events such as Critical Mass“.

Ever since April 1994, cyclists have met near the National Theatre on the South Bank and ridden as a block on the roads on a follow-my-leader basis. In other words, as the agreed facts in that case put it, “there is no fixed, settled or predetermined route, end-time or destination; where Critical Mass goes, where and what time it ends, are all things which are chosen by the actions of the participants on the day“. Yet last night, the police met them with truncheon blows and pepper spray, with kettling and multiple arrests. Cyclists were pushed to the ground. The very emblem of London, the red bus, was used to store confiscated bicycles.


View Location of cyclists arrested at Olympics on 27th July 2012 in a larger map

100 cyclists were contained by police at the junction of Stratford High Street and Warton Road, where they were held for most of the Opening Ceremony. It appears that most of them were arrested, although the police have not given any figures. Doubtless the authorities are edgy about the prospect of violence during the Olympics. Without any obvious threat, they seem to have picked on these politically minded cyclists, despite the social networks to which they belong having repeatedly declared that they do not wish to disrupt the games.

English cycling has finally come of age. Years of solid campaigning has converged in the common goals of our personal and planetary health. A few days ago, an Englishman won the Tour de France. Hopes run high for gold medals in the Olympics. Yet all this has been despite our culture of criticism of cyclists. After the last Olympics, our greatest two wheelers announced that they were going abroad to train because it was too dangerous in the UK. That’s just the road traffic for you. Last night’s action by the Metropolitan Police ramped up the risks still further. The message is, if the trucks don’t get you, the boys and girls in blue will.

I attended a London critical mass in 1996, a couple of years after it started and long before the Law Lords declared it a customary procession. Normally such processions are not required to observe the traffic lights, as anyone who has attended one will know – the normal rules of the Highway Code are suspended for the duration of the event. Having accidentally become a freelance legal observer the month before, I put my newly acquired orange bib on and went to watch what happened. I wasn’t at yesterday’s mass, this post is based on reports I’ve received. I’ll be attending the Brighton Critical Mass next month, which meets at The Level on the last Friday of every month at 6:00pm and starts riding at 6:30pm. The Metropolitan Police have inspired me again, so thanks to them for that.

No place on our streets for violent demonstrators

Yesterday I discussed the evolution of the policing of political protests, particularly in Brighton, noting that much improvement had been made but that there was still a considerable distance to go before the police performed their job properly in this regard. Today’s post is concerned with the tactics of those who would turn various public political events into a physical fighting ground for Their Revolution. Sometimes the established media calls these people Anarchists but that’s a slur on some of our greatest philosophers and some of my best friends. The people I’m discussing are just thugs really and, frankly, there isn’t a great deal of difference between them and the various fascist and racist groupings which they love to hate the most.

Not everyone who acts violently is a thug. Sometimes it is necessary, in self-defence or the defence of others. This is not only recognised in law but also our culture generally and rightly so. Therefore any discussion of violence by the public, as opposed to the police, at political events is fraught with complication. Clearly, there are more numerous occasions than would be appropriate to mention in a short blog post like this when the police have either started the violence or deliberately created situations where it would become inevitable and people have reacted accordingly. The most infamous example in recent times was the Poll Tax Riot of 1991 in London. This video is contains a record of how the day’s events unfolded and is narrated by some the demonstration’s organisers:

I wasn’t in London that day but I knew plenty people who were. The chronology of events described in that video and others like it (better ones, which I couldn’t locate this morning) prove beyond doubt the culpability of the police that day and the complete lack of investigative journalism by the mainstream media at the time. Regardless of the inflammatory policing before the events narrated from 22m onwards, anyone caught in or near the path of the police vans driving at speed directly into the crowd was, in my clear opinion, legally fully entitled to attack the vans, their drivers and supporting police in self-defence and the defence of others. Of course, at the time, the press coverage was such that the courts took a different view.

With the benefit of hindsight, the view that the police started the riot that day is generally accepted. This scenario has been so common and its consequences so serious that any discussion along the lines of today’s post can too easily be taken as a criticism of all unruly and/or riotous crowds. There are so many examples of the mainstream media failing to report events properly close to the time, that people on the ground often feel extremely defensive towards any critical point of view. With that context properly acknowledged, we can turn back to those who attend public demonstrations with the intention of physically attacking the police.

These people turn up at almost every demonstration which has a left-wing point to make. That’s hardly surprising. Traditionally, right-wing political views were not demonstrated on the streets, largely because they are already manifested in the rules by which our society is governed. That changed with the emergence of the Countryside Alliance. The joke that they were the armed wing of the Tory Party was funny because was obviously untrue. Since then other right-wing groups have exercised their democratic right to assemble and protest their views. Campaigners against the right to choose abortion have followed in the footsteps of their political cousins across the pond and taken to harassing women entering termination clinics, by holding static demonstrations outside. People bent on violence against the police do not join those groups. In the last few years an ultra right-wing group called the English Defence League (EDL) has begun to hold provocative marches. Although undoubtedly responsible for much covert violence, they themselves do not attract into their own ranks the sort of people being discussed here. However, they always attract large crowds of all sorts of people opposed to their racist views. The people looking for a fight with the police routinely join the resistance to the EDL and use the occasion to attack the police without prior provocation.

In the various political events I have attended, my worst experience of these people was in Plumstead, in October 1993. Earlier that year a racist gang had murdered Stephen Lawrence. There had been a rising number of racially motivated attacks in South-East London. It seemed clear that the British National Party (BNP) was behind these crimes, either directly or indirectly. Consequently, various community groups, trades unions, sections of the Labour Party and various other left-wing parties, came together and organised a demonstration against the BNP. The BNP had it’s headquarters in a bookshop in Plumstead. The march was billed under the title, “Close Down The BNP”. At least, that was the official title. There were plenty of leaflets circulating (we didn’t have a workable internet in those days) with the title, “Burn Down The BNP HQ”.

I cannot imagine any civil society which would permit a march with those intentions to get anywhere near its target. Any community which wants its police force to turn a blind eye to that sort of behaviour hasn’t got a police force as we understand the term. Nevertheless, I went along to the protest. I was young and, like many other people at the time, I was very angry about the lack of a clear crackdown on these racist thugs by the authorities. The police banned the march but the coaches were hired anyway and we all descended on London.

As usual, it is difficult to obtain accurate figures for the numbers on the day. The organisers claimed that there were 60,000. I think the figure was probably closer to between 8-12,000. Numbers do tend to fluctuate at this sort of thing. It’s not a football crowd watching a match. My estimate is based on me counting a section of the crowd when it was densely packed and then multiplying it up by physical space, from a vantage point on a wall in Wickham Lane. Whatever the true figure, the vast majority of people were not intent on violence against the police. To what extent they were intent on violence against the BNP was unclear. However, it’s fair to assume that had the crowd got anywhere near the so-called bookshop, it would have been dismantled, brick by brick. More than likely, anyone inside would have been murdered. We wanted revenge for the violence they had visited on our communities.

Faced with substantial numbers of people attending an unlawful demonstration, the police sensibly chose to route the march along a route which they could control. We marched down this picturesque suburban lane:

Wickam Lane, Plumstead, London.

Wickam Lane, Plumstead, London.

If the residents of Wickham Lane didn’t previously know about the proximity of the BNP’s headquarters before that day, they certainly did afterwards. Those that were in that day must have been staggered by the sheer weight of numbers and deafened by the noise.

At the end of Wickham Lane the police made another sensible decision and chose a spot that was easy to defend and provided us with an exit route to our left up Lodge Hill, where they had directed our coaches to take park up ready to take us home. Here’s the cross roads:

Scene of the Plumstead Riot on a quiet day

Scene of the Plumstead Riot on a quiet day

Of course, at the time it looked very different. The police blocked the road straight ahead, which took the most direct route to our destination. The road to the right, going up hill was also blocked and the road to the left is Lodge Hill. The police allowed us to walk a little way down the road straight ahead (Okehampton Crescent) and made their stand there. During the stand off between the crowd and the police, dressed in riot gear, I walked up and down the gap between the two sides. It was about two yards wide. I remember wishing I’d brought a camera because it would have made for some excellent photography. For a while, everything was calm.

However, the protestors were determined to make progress. When the pushing began, I found myself pressed up against a riot shield, with the pressure of thousands of people behind me and thousands of police officers in front. It was a frightening crush. I remember realising that the front row of a rugby scrum turned out to be little more than a cuddle compared to it. Somehow I managed to get back from the front line.

Then someone in the crowd made a clever announcement through their megaphone. He said, “There’s a couple of thousand of them and twenty thousand of us. If we coordinate ourselves, they won’t be able to resist our great force. Link arms and a-left!” Without any warning, we all spontaneously cried out, “Left!” As we did so, we put simultaneously put our left foots forward. The megaphone man cried out, “… and a-right!” We all cried out, “Right!” In this manner we walked effortlessly up the road. There was no shoving or violence in the normal sense of the word. The police could not resist the physics of the situation. We advanced ten or twelve steps like this. Suddenly it was going to be easy. The megaphone man called out again: “Now, untangle your legs!” That was a good idea, below waist height in the crush we were all caught up with one another. After 30 seconds, he started coordinating us again and again we were on the move.

This was obviously a tactic which the police had not foreseen. They reacted to it by charging the crowd with horses and arresting the man with the megaphone. Without him it was harder to manage the process but the idea had taken root and we took it in turns to call out the coordinating commands. It worked because we all took each step in unison. Although force was being used, it didn’t feel like a violent situation. However, it was getting increasingly dangerous. The pressure was immense. I felt an arm slip through the nook of my elbow and heard a short woman next to me asking if I could hold help her stay upright. This sort of situation is how people get trampled underfoot. Without warning the police horses broke though their side of the front line and charged us. We ran back to the junction and regrouped. The police regrouped and there was another stand off, this time with a wider gap between the two sides.

Whilst charging mounted officers into the crowd was dangerous, I could see why the police had done it. They couldn’t allow us to break through their ranks and burn down the BNP headquarters. They had allowed us space to the left at the junction to escape through. We weren’t taking that option. Instead we were clearly capable of overwhelming them, without resorting to an actual attack.

I was about two or three lines from the front of the protestors, when suddenly a brick dropped out of the air right beside me. It landed on someone’s head, gashed it and took them down. The crush had collapsed the wall of the old cemetery on Wickham Lane. Masked men, dressed in black had started to break the remnants of the wall up and were throwing them.

I suppose they meant to throw them at the police. I could understand their anger towards the police. We all knew that the police were racist. Even today, there’s evidence that large sections of the police still are institutionally racist. Back then, we knew that they had deliberately bungled investigations into racist crimes. If they’d have done their job properly, we wouldn’t have had to wait 20 years for Stephen Lawrence’s murderers to be convicted.

However, they weren’t throwing them at the police. They were throwing them at us. Plainly, they couldn’t throw their missiles far enough to reach the police lines. They stood behind those of us at the front and threw large bits of masonry into our own numbers. We called out, with increasing desperation, for them to stop. They shouted back that we should join them. Someone shouted a suggestion that they throw their bricks from the front of the crowd and not at the crowd but they weren’t interested. They just wanted to hurt people.

The person on the ground next to me was helped up Lodge Hill by various people, some of whom were holding their hands in the air to show that they were covered in blood. As soon as they had fled the scene, the police charged again. This time, it wasn’t a controlled maneouvre. It was a violent attack on us. As they charged in, they lashed out with their batons at anyone they could reach. They weren’t trying to get specific individuals, they were after all of us. To be fair, we had all chosen to take them on and push them back.

The stone throwers turned and ran with the rest of us. Then the police retreated to the junction, which again provided us with an escape route to up Lodge Hill. This episode became repetitive for the next few hours. During this time the stone throwers injured many people in our crowd and rarely hit a police officer or contributed to the general effort to push the police back. In my view, they created the riot themselves. Without their antisocial behaviour the police may have attacked us anyway but these people didn’t wait for that. Responsibility for the injuries and fear that day lies firmly with them. I’d estimate their numbers at no more than 30. That a group so tiny could cause so much trouble and not be held back by the vast numbers of ordinary people mystifies me.

Eventually the police must have decided that they had to move us out of the lane and towards where our coaches were. Another contingent pushed us from behind and we were corralled up Lodge Hill. They repeatedly charged us with horses. Although I’d had more than enough fear and loathing for one day, I was keen to stay put. I felt strongly that we had to make our mark, we had to make sure that the issue made the news. That certainly happened but not in a good way:

Incidentally, a word to the wise. I discovered that a crowd’s sudden unity can evaporate equally quickly. During one of the final stand offs, I called out to the crowd on Lodge Hill and asked them to recall that scene in the film Ghandi, where the protestors lay down in front of the British mounted officers. In the film, the horses refuse to trample on the people on the ground. I suggested that this was true and suggested that we all lie down. About a hundred people, maybe more did precisely that. I lay down at the front, looking towards the horses and thought, “this had better work.” Having encouraged this form of peaceful resistance, I didn’t feel able to abandon it when the horses charged again. Unsure of the film’s veracity, at the last moment I turned my head to cover it with my arm. I saw everyone else get up and run. I was lying down on my own directly in front of a dozen charging horses. They ran around me.

Occupy London made many mistakes but it did work out a solution to the problem caused by the thugs bent on getting punch drunk fighting the police. Immediately that we had occupied St Paul’s Churchyard, we received messages of support from various shady groups who declared that if the police came into clear us out, they would turn up and defend us physically. Privately, the activists who took on most responsibility for the various essential features of camp life asked them not to. Right from the start, there was much talk about how to deal with these people. We regarded them as agents provocateurs. The consensus view was that if anyone saw anyone being violent (without reason), we would stand back from them and point at them. Early on myself (and others, it wasn’t just the legal team doing this) spoke to as many officers as we could to inform them that we would facilitate their arrests. We made these communications as official as possible by tweeting the numbers of the police we had spoken to or videoing the conversations. From time to time, I’d hear someone say that if the police came in to clear us out, he’d attack them. Every time I heard that, I’d hear other people immediately tell them that if they did that, they would stand back, point at them and assist the police in arresting them. There was no violence.

At the recent so-called March for England by the EDL in Brighton on St George’s Day, more than a thousand people from all walks of life turned up to line the streets and boo and harangue the racist protestors. Me included. Amongst our numbers there were about thirty young men dressed in black and masking their faces. Doubtless some of these people were just worried about losing their jobs. Not all the objects thrown at the EDL came from their ranks (I saw one man open an upstairs window and throw a bottle at them). However, it is fair to say that yet again there was a tiny group of people who deliberately used violence against both the EDL and the police. They threw bottles and fireworks. Yet again, they weren’t too fussed about who they hit with their missiles. The EDL have persistently complained that a young girl was hit by a bottle. This claim has embarrassed the anti-racists organising the counter-protests that day. By and large they have been silent about it. Those bottles were gifts to the racists. They were thrown on several occasions. Some of them sailed directly over the thick heads of the EDL supporters and into the large crowd of Brightonians on the other side of the moving police kettle. More than once, I had to duck a flying bottle and a firework landed close to my feet. Whilst walking down North Street, I spotted my local MP, Caroline Lucas, and suggested that she stand back a little to avoid the flying glass. “We need you to be able to work hard for us in Parliament, not go to hospital“, was what I said.

We were rightly proud that both the then Leader of Brighton & Hove City Council (Bill Randall) and our local MP turned up in person to oppose the racists on our streets. What on earth was the point of throwing bottles at them? At anyone? As Plato famously put it, cui bono?

Clearly this tiny minority of thugs benefits. They get to have their excitement, in much the same way as football hooligans fighting have theirs. Previously, those parts of the police and our political classes who want ever stronger powers to control us, also benefit from this behaviour. That begs the question of how many of them are actually undercover police agents? Perhaps we’ll never know. Although the law on self-defence permits someone to strike first, the facts of the situations I witnessed in Plumstead and in Brighton do not give rise to that defence. In neither situation were we being attacked or under immediate risk of attack by the police (or anyone else) until these people became violent.

I’m heartily sick of having our rebel culture hijacked by these troublemakers. I’d like to see the Left discuss the issues involved far more readily. We must adopt solutions to the problems these people cause us. If we don’t, we’ll be permanently stymied in our ability to recruit others to our cause. For all its failings, the good people in Occupy London have provided us with a tactic which works. When we film trouble at demonstrations, we should unequivocally film all of it and make it all available publicly. If the police cannot or will not arrest the thugs and we don’t feel able to do so, we should stand back and point at them, so as to distance their behaviour from our beliefs. If we can do that on every occasion, it won’t take long before they stop trying to railroad our beautiful peace movement. Our inactivity shelters them and encourages them.

No wonder the vast numbers of people angered by the current crisis of capitalism still don’t join the ranks of political activists, socialist, Green, or otherwise. How on earth can we recruit if we can’t root out this systemic problem? Seven years after the Plumstead riot, I was working as a law reporter in London. During a pub lunch myself and the editor were encouraging the rest of the staff to become more politically active. One fellow declared that he would never get involved in any public demonstration because they so often turned violent. He told us a story about such an occasion in the road he grew up in. He told us that the protestors had broken up a graveyard wall to throw the constituent bricks at the police! I asked if he had lived in Plumstead and he said, yes, near there. I blurted out that I had been there that day and tried to explain what happened. He wasn’t interested. After our crowd had gone, the rain had come and the skeletal residents of the graveyard had emerged from the earth which had previously been hidden by the broken retaining wall. We hadn’t just broken the wall that day, we’d broken any chance of recruiting him and his neighbours to an active political life. Whether it is broken windows or dead bodies we leave behind, neither is a good calling card.

Brighton has long been at the forefront of the peace movement. That’s why the EDL want to parade around on our streets. They hate us and want to provoke us. Although this year we humiliated them, we also allowed them to argue that they have good reason to hate us. We need to tackle that issue properly before next year’s confrontation. The confrontation isn’t the problem, it’s the manner in which we handle it. We must raise our game. We need to stop avoiding our own issues about how we handle ourselves and the misguided people amongst us. Next year, the police may want to kettle the anti-racists again, as they did two years ago. We need to be clear that the violent idiots will be treated as the criminals that they are. Practical steps must be taken to ensure that Sussex Police understand there has been a definite change in our strategy. They’ve been making efforts recently to build trust with our activist communities. We’ve got to make some effort too.

How far has policing political protest evolved in Brighton?

Sussex Police wantonly attacked a peaceful political demonstration on 24th August 1996 in Brighton. The occasion was billed as a Reclaim The Streets. For the uninitiated, that’s a celebratory protest against car culture, which makes its mark with peaceful protestors physically standing in the road. It was intended to be a beach party. As far as I could tell, the word was to attend dressed for the seaside and be ready for beach games.

That morning I had a wisdom tooth extracted. Head full of anaesthetic and minus one large tooth, I strolled into town to join in with the fun. I was expecting a nice fluffy event and a rare break from my legal training. I had returned home to live with my parents so as to be able to afford my studies and this was exactly the sort of thing I imagined that they most feared – me apparently returning to old party driven lifestyle. Nowadays, I look back on the rock ‘n’ roll years of being a fire-eater and fondly call them The Soft Years. Back then, I was as keen as my folks were to see the back of them. All the same, I chose not to mention this protest party to them, lest they got the wrong idea.

When I arrived in Churchill Square, there was a rather tense atmosphere. There were a lot of police. Hundreds of them. There were also a few hundred people standing in a loose group some distance from the police. I asked someone what was happening. They explained that a couple of Legal Observers had just been arrested and the others had been warned that they would be arrested too. That resulted in all of them taking off their orange bibs and concealing them. One of them had apparently been arrested for handing out leaflets explaining a person’s rights on arrest. I didn’t like the sound of that.

Whilst I was digesting this information and wondering what to do about it, someone else told me that the people with the sand had been arrested in a pre-dawn raid. Their idea had been to arrive at the Clock Tower with a massive truck and tip a huge quantity of sand onto the road around it, so that we could have a genuine beach party. I was never all that convinced by the merits of this plan. It would have been a very dramatic form of defiance. It could easily have created dangerous road conditions in the wet. Drivers could hardly be expected to foresee slippery sand on this junction, on a hill or deal with it competently in busy traffic. Overall, although I could see that it would grab the headlines and probably get a photographs onto the front pages (we still read newspapers in those days), it was very provocative. Having sniffed the story out, the police were bound to come down hard on those they perceived responsible.

The sand boys had been frustrated but the police were probably wondering what other ideas were up which sleeves. Reclaim The Streets, Critical Mass and similar events were a direct response to legislative changes designed to curtail demonstrations. Since official organisers would get into serious trouble in so many scenarios, people just abandoned any attempt at official organisation for anything. The resulting chaos was and is much harder for the police to cope with. Like the original Dangerous Dogs Act 1991, it was a classic knee-jerk law-making; arguably it created more problems than it solved. These days, the police have become a little used to the idea that we do not trouble ourselves with organising committees. Back then, they found our new methodology simply incredible. Their view seemed to be that the organisation had gone underground: organisers had become conspirators. Instead, an idea was launched and people made their own arrangements around that.

The police and the protesters continued to eye each other nervously. I borrowed a Legal Observer’s bib. Various people, none of whom I knew, urged me not to put it on. I didn’t know anyone there. I crossed the physical space between the two groups and spoke to the police officer in charge: Chief Inspector Streeter. I told him my name and address. I told him that I was about to start the Bar Vocational Course at the Inns of Court School of Law and asked him why the Legal Observers had been arrested. He declined to comment. I said that in the absence of any explanation as to why a Legal Observer should be arrested, I intended to become one there and then. I explained that I had borrowed a bib from a stranger. I suggested that if he wanted to arrest me, perhaps he could let me know. He said, “So long as you don’t play any part in the demonstration, you won’t be arrested.” I put the bib on and walked back.

The police moved to the other side of Western Road. The crowd exhorted itself to get the show on the road. We collectively tiptoed after the police. Just as we got to the kerb, someone shouted, “They’re not going to stop us!” Suddenly beach balls were being thrown in the air, the traffic was blocked and there was partying on the road.

It was a short lived party. The police lined up into ranks and advanced. West Street seemed to have been closed off for our benefit. Looking back now, I wonder whether the people who shouted that we were being allowed to take over West Street were in fact undercover officers. We were corralled down West Street. As we did the police at the bottom advanced towards us. Then the police appeared on both sides of us. The police on all sides pushed and shoved us into an increasingly small rectangle until there was only just room to turn on the spot. I didn’t know to call it a kettle then.

People were shouting and asking for more room. It got very ugly, very quickly. Pleas to leave were ignored. Between us and the police was a thin strip of space. It was as wide as the length of a copper’s arm. Anyone straying into this region was attacked by the police, physically. Realising that this was not going to end well, I decided to ask a police officer if I could leave. Hands by my side, I asked the nearest officer. His neighbouring colleague drew his truncheon and stabbed it into my chest repeatedly.

The standard issue truncheon had just been replaced. He stabbed me four or five times and only stopped when I pushed the tip of his weapon away. I said, “There’s no need for that, I only asked to leave. You could just say no.” Whatever was going through that man’s mind is anyone’s guess. Perhaps he was worried about being obliged to defend himself from having to articulate a response with his extendible rod? He raised it and tried to beat the top of my head with it! I caught the end of it in my hand and said, “What do you think you’re doing? If you can’t talk, you could just ignore me. There’s no need to try to kill me. You must know the risk of death or serious injury involved in hitting someone on the head?” As I said those words, we played an absurd version of unbreakable crackers. He yanked his end of the truncheon and I pulled back at the offensive end. When I let go, he knew it was because I had chosen to. He looked sheepish and put his weapon away. I asked him again if I could leave and he ignored me, avoiding eye contact.

One of his colleagues ordered me to move away. “Where am I supposed to go? You’ve left me no room to move.” He could see my point. There were people standing directly behind me and people behind them. At this point I felt someone tap me on the shoulder from behind. I turned around. A large furry microphone was pushed in my face. Next to the boom operator was a man holding a large video camera. A woman asked me if I wouldn’t mind being interviewed for French television. “Sure, I don’t have anything else to do.

She asked me if I was hurt. I said no. Then she mentioned that they had seen the police hitting me with his truncheon. I said something about him not wanting to let me leave and go home. She pressed her point and asked, more insistently, that it must have hurt me. Although not keen to help the police at this point, I didn’t want to lie either so I said, “Oh no, it was nothing.” Her face was incredulous, as if she was annoyed that I hadn’t immediately complained of maltreatment by the heavy hand of authority. She pressed again, saying that I looked really badly hurt and I replied that I wasn’t, that there was nothing to worry about. She pointed to the blood running down my chin. Wiping my chin, I discovered that I there was blood on it. I felt the back of my mouth. Realising that this wasn’t too hygienic, I pulled my hand out and wiped it on my hankerchief, which I then wiped my lips with. It turned from white to red. The interviewer said something like, “Look, you are bleeding quite badly! You are hurt!” My reply must have reinforced every cultural stereotype possible about the British stiff upper lip: “I’m telling you, this blood has got nothing to do with anything. I’m not hurt.” Her face was complete confusion.

I realised that I could use the blood as a means to escape the inevitable fracas. I approached the police again. I pointed out that I was bleeding, took off my bib and asked to be allowed to attend hospital. That worked. On the way home, the anaesthetic wore off and the pain kicked in. Sitting in my kitchen at home, my Mum asked me what I’d got up to that afternoon. “Nothing much“, I replied. Then she told me that one of our neighbours had seen me on BBC South Today in the middle of a riot. Oh dear. The neighbour had related the whole incident to her. “Better not tell your Father“, was all she said.

Now that’s my personal recollection of the events on the day. Luckily, there were people taking a proper record of what actually happened. I’m the Legal Observer mentioned at 14:50 at that link. The following day there were extensive press reports, focussing in particular on the exceptionally high arrest rate. The police broke the law repeatedly that day. The demonstrators did not. Although the Human Rights Act had not yet been drafted, the UK was a signatory to the European Convention on Human Rights: it was the first country to sign it and the last to legislate. The legislation made remedial action swifter and clarified the relationship between the Convention and all our other laws to some extent but it didn’t actually introduce any new rights. The police broke those rights over and again. Let me be completely objective about this: the policing was a bloody disgrace.

I knew no-one at the protest. I went back to my studies. I kept my newly acquired bib. Since then I’ve moved house over sixty times. I’ve given away all my possessions, lost stuff, sold stuff and been separated from stuff. I’ve treasured the bib. When I was completing my barristerial training in London I sometimes turned up at events like Critical Mass. I put my bib on and watched the police very very carefully. I would hear people say things like, “Who’s he? The other observers don’t know him.” Other people would note that a few words from me and the police would change their behaviour. A little. Normally Legal Observers have training to ensure they remain in role. I never did. Effectively, I acted as a freelance observer. I’m not pretending to have saved any days but I did contribute to keeping the peace on a few occasions. I wish I could say the same for the police. I’ve observed them breaking whatever laws they want until they heard me recording everything into a time stamped dictaphone.

At Occupy London the police attacked us on the first night. However, a combination of events kept them at bay after their initial foray. One was the fact that the City of London Police had little experience at dealing with civil disobedience. Another factor was that man of the cloth turfing them off the Cathedral steps first thing in the morning, creating the possibility of a political crisis between the City and the Church of England. There are more factors than I care to name in this essay but one of them was the fact that they knew that right from the start we had an excellent legal team. Once more I had turned up on my own and put my legal head to work. On the first night I recruited John Cooper QC (to advise me on behalf of Occupy London). I suggested warning them via twitter that there were children asleep in the tents and that they ought to read the Children Act before piling in. The tweet went out. A moment later, their lines pulled back. It could have been a coincidence, of course.

The biggest factor was almost certainly their knowledge that no matter how much they filmed and photographed us, we were capturing their every movement and streaming it directly to the world. Probably with better cameras than them. The name Ian Tomlinson was doubtless on every officer’s mind. His death was a tragedy. It was also part of a pattern. The police have form for injuring and killing people at protests. People they are supposed to protect. Previously, they got away with murder because they could cover up the evidence and we couldn’t collect it ourselves. There’s no point stopping people handing out leaflets explaining your rights on arrest any more because everyone has a video camera.

Back to Brighton. Sussex Police have recently developed a new approach to policing protests. They deploy protest liaison officers. We first saw them used when they turned out in force at Brighton Uncut‘s Never Mind The Jubilee Street Party in Churchill Square. Elsewhere in the town, large numbers of officers kept a close eye on a day trip to the seaside by the EDL. Afterwards, Sussex Police made attempts to discuss this new form of engagement with people interested in the protests, by talking to them via twitter. Some of us, myself included, tried to engage with them. Others rejected the approach out of hand. Others still were indifferent. After all, the police have a lot to prove. It is them who have to win trust, not the people.

Although there is a long way to go before this new initiative could be described as a turning point in the relationship between the police and people protesting their rights and their political views, we have also come a long way since 1996. The Brighton Uncut street party was just as unlawful as the ‘beach’ party, yet the police did not just pile in, beat anyone who dared to speak to them and arrest as many people as their cells could hold. Instead they talked to us. That looked like an improvement to me.

Unfortunately, after that the new look protest policing faltered. The protest liaison officers were next deployed at a demonstration by the SmashEDO campaign, which protested against the possibility of war with Iran on 4th June 2012. Sussex Police have been coy about the behaviour of the protest liaison officers on this occasion. It has become clear that they tried to mingle with the protesters and only left the crowd when the protesters mocked them so much that their continuing presence had become inflammatory. Having already discussed the new strategy with the police via twitter, shortly after that protest I asked them whether those reports were true. Instead of replying that they were waiting for reports to be filed and would answer later or admitting it or denying it, instead the police tried to duck the question. (10th paragraph at that link & screenshots of conversation below it.)

These people work for us! They are public servants. I’ve paid tax. I’ve paid their wages. Why they think that they should treat any enquiry much as a politician treats a journalistic question is baffling. I fear it reveals much about police culture. Close ranks, cover up and kill the story. When will they understand that these old tactics won’t work? We have video. We own the internet. The more intelligent approach would be to get straight to the point and admit the truth. Then the merits of the facts could be discussed.

Let’s park the issue of Sussex Police being unable or unwilling to just confirm the facts on the ground. The decision to deploy officers charged with engaging with protesters uninvited inside the protesters’ ranks must be categorised under “Undiplomatic”. There is a deep seated suspicion amongst many political activists that these officers are simply on an intelligence gathering mission. For my part, I suspect that even the police would realise this technique would be an utter waste of resources. Last year’s half a million plus requests to snoop on our communications was much more likely to bear fruit than donning a uniform and walking amongst us. Film is more useful than individual personal recollection. Undercover agents who are still allowed to rape their way around the activist community will certainly acquire more information than watching people wave donuts on sticks at you. The average plod may not be the brightest soul in the force but surely those further up the chain of command cannot have really intended these particular officers to gather intelligence? It’s much more likely that the decision to deploy them like that was a bungled attempt at public relations and the slowness to withdraw them a reflection on the reflexes of the command structure. After being pinned down on this issue, Sussex Police later implied to me that their officers had as much right to the public space as anyone else. That’s true but it isn’t the way to develop new community relations. It’s like the landlord turning up at your birthday party and telling you he owns the house.

Many local political activists point to the officers wearing the liaison bibs being the same people employed on more pernicious tasks. There’s not much mileage in that point. These liaison officers are not a completely separate unit from the rest of the police. They’re just performing a role on the day. Performing different roles is a feature of professional life. Rather than picking on the people involved, we should point out the problems with the new role in the hope that they can be ironed out.

It is early days still. The gap of understanding between the two sides is wide. There is too much distrust on both sides. There will always be some political activists who view the police as a front line in their battle for regime change. There will always be some police who regard anyone who isn’t shopping for retail therapy to be a troublemaker. In between, there are many who would like to find a better approach. The problem is that the police have all the power. The ball is in their court. My guess is that they get a few more chances to serve us properly but only a few. If they fail to get those right, this new initiative will crash. They’ve come a long way from mindlessly attacking everyone in sight but that’s happened because we have empowered ourselves. As Marx argued, a change in technology has ushered in a change in the relationship between the powerful and the weak. Therefore, the police don’t get any credit for abating their traditional methods. They need to win credit by backing off.

At Occupy London the City of London police won much sympathy with the protestors by keeping their distance. Sure, they walked through our camp but only in ones and twos and even then only occasionally. They stood back. I knew when they followed me through the streets because they weren’t that clever about it. I expected them to anyway. Often they followed me and other conspicuous people whilst others took on more important tasks, online. These days we don’t talk to the people we’re standing next to by using our voices. We use direct messages on twitter, off the record encrypted channels, the tor project and various other methods.

Brighton & Hove is now officially a City. It is run by the Green Party, which openly welcomes citizens’ asserting their democratic rights to protest. The City Council has explicitly stated that everyone has the right to protest and they expect the police to facilitate those protests. Thus the EDL was allowed to march under the cover of the so-called “March for England“, even though every member of the local administration is deeply opposed to everything they stand for. That event was bound to carry big risks of trouble. There were people determined to disrupt the march, themselves exercising their lawful right to a static demonstration without advance permission. There was trouble. Bottles were thrown at the racist EDL. Some EDL supporters attacked local people (myself included). The police had a complicated job to do that day and on the whole they managed it very well, which is why I have not pursued a complaint against them for failing to arrest the man who attacked me. They probably didn’t deploy sufficient numbers to cope with the predictable stress lines across town that day. No doubt lessons are being learnt for next year.

The point the police have to grasp is that it is not for them to control demonstrations, let alone become involved in them to any extent. Their job is to maintain the peace. Nothing more, nothing less. If a protest group doesn’t want to engage with them, there’s nothing they can do about it. Without any threat of violence, there’s no need whatsoever for more than half a dozen police officers. Two at the front, two at the back and one walking along either side. If they want to park greater numbers around the corner, to be ready for spontaneous trouble, fine. Barging in on a political demonstration which they cannot support is not engagement, it is incitement. If the police don’t understand this, they need to take a long hard look at themselves and their role in our society. We all know what it should be – to keep the peace, not to keep control.

Rather than try to stop political protests, the police should allow people to make their point and, if necessary, use their power to arrest people for a breach of the peace. Peaceful activists will not resist that type of arrest. Activists will make more impact by getting arrested for civil disobedience than for fighting. The police need to make a judgment call on when such arrests are justified. We can have the arguments in court later, rather than on the ground. If an activist is released, they should be allowed to move freely again. If the police lack the resources to deal with large numbers of protestors in this way, then they have a political argument with the government.

People must be able to talk to any police officer, without fearing violence. If there is a role for specific protest liaison officers, the police need to spell out how it differs from all other police officers. Having justified that distinction, it must be maintained cogently. Bibs on bobbies is meaningless unless there’s a properly understood role. At the present time, the purpose of the new role is far from clear. I’d like to see Sussex Police complete their journey from their nasty behaviour in the nineties, to transform themselves from being political tools to being the protectors of the peace. To promote the chances of their success, several sections of the activist community are giving them the benefit of the doubt, for now. The next outing of the new protest liaison officers will be watched very closely indeed. The pressure is on the police to behave like concerned citizens, not control freaks.

Video evidence in trial of Simon Harward, the police officer charged with the manslaughter of Ian Tomlinson

This is the video evidence compiled by investigators from the Independent Police Complaints Commission. Once again the Guardian newspaper has played a crucial role in uncovering evidence which the police would otherwise have covered up. Yesterday, the Guardian reported that the jury in the trial of Simon Harwood had watching this evidence. Please do read the report at that link. The Guardian reports:

They also saw several video angles of the moment when Harwood, a member of the Metropolitan police’s Territorial Support Group unit, struck Tomlinson on the leg with a baton as the 47-year-old walked away from police lines, his hands in his pockets. Harwood then shoved Tomlinson to the ground causing, the prosecution alleges, internal bleeding which killed him within little more than half an hour.

The video is comprised from a series of clips from various sources, which show Ian Tomlinson’s attempt to walk home on 1st April 2009. His preferred route is frustrated by various police lines, who are engaged in confronting protestors against the G20 meeting of world leaders. Each clip is numbered, for easy reference, although the number “1″ for the first clip seems to have been obscured by a grey mask surrounding the actual footage, which comes from an underground station CCTV camera. Mr Tomlinson enters the clip from the right at 0:20 wearing dark coloured tracksuit leggings with a white stripe down the legs, a dark blue shirt and a shorter sleeved pale blue top over the top of the darker shirt. He has his left hand in his pocket.

After that every clip is preceded by a map, which shows Mr Tomlinson’s route. His route is marked out in a yellow line. The position of the camera which captured each clip is also shown as a yellow disc with an arrow showing the direction the camera is pointing in, like this:

Explanation of mapping and camera details in the video evidence in the trial of the police officer charged with the manslaughter of Ian Tomlinson

Best practice for presenting video evidence in court includes these explanatory maps.

In May 2011 an inquest jury found that Mr Tomlinson had been unlawfully killed and that the push and baton strike by Simon Harwood had involved unreasonable force.

Simon Harwood’s trial continues.

Both Eurovision and Azerbaijan ban political musicians

Whilst the average price of a donkey in Azerbaijan is about £50, in 2009 two donkeys were bought from Germany by the ruling family for £42,000 each. This is widely believed to be a kickback of some sort. An Azerbaijani blogger created a mockumentary about these donkeys, which told the satirical tale that they really were worth that much. Here it is, with English subtitles. It turns out that one of them plays the violin! The crucial question comes in at 2:22, when the donkey is asked why he so valuable (but watch the whole video, it is well worth it).

The donkey’s explanation that he won’t be able to join in with social activities and the unsubtle linking to human rights issues (at 4:22) probably didn’t win the blogger any friends in the ruling family. The blogger was subsequently subjected to a criminal charge, after an incident where he was physically attacked in a restaurant. He served 17 months in prison.

In three days’ time, the Eurovision Song Contest Grand Final will be held in Baku, the capital of Azerbaijan. I’ll be honest, I’ve never been a big fan of the contest which, in the UK is regarded – at best – as a chance to be ironic and – at worst – as meaningless drivel. The Contest is going to Baku, because last year’s competition was won by Ell/Nikki from Azerbaijan and the rules mean that that the winning entry’s nation hosts the competition the following year. Yeah, I had to look that stuff up. Why did I bother?

I bothered because Azerbaijan’s human rights and corruption record is appalling. Transparency International says  Azerbaijan is one of the 40 most corrupt countries in the world. The UK is 16th from the bottom of the list (there are 183 countries in the list). It defines corruption as:

the abuse of entrusted power for private gain. It hurts everyone who depends on the integrity of people in a position of authority.

Not exactly the care-free image that Eurovision promotes is it? Political demonstrations by opposition parties have been banned in Azerbaijan for seven years. On 17th March one such rally was finally allowed but nowhere near the centre of Baku. They were permitted to meet in what the rally’s organisers called “this useless place“. It looks like somewhere on the edge of town, nearby a building site to me. Approximately 1,500 turned up in the light snow. Here’s a video of the rally, with English subtitles.

At this same rally, a young musician called Jamal Ali entertained the crowd. He answered the heckler by saying something along the lines of, ‘You want swearing? Here’s some real swearing…‘ and then he repeated the address of Ilham Aliyev (the President of Azerbaijan), twice. Immediately several plain clothes police officers rushed him. Four of them took one limb each and he was hurled into a waiting police car. He says he was beaten up, taken to “some court“, sentenced, beaten up some more and served ten days in prison. Not exactly the musical appreciation image normally associated with the Eurovision Song Contest.

This incident triggered the police’s decision to close the rally down. It would be glib in the extreme to ask whether the police took Eurovision’s rules a bit too seriously, by imposing them on a non-entrant well before the competition started? (Rule 1.2.2(g) bans political songs.) The guitarist Natig Kamilov was also arrested, along with a man who tried to stop Jamal Ali being put into the police car and a blogger (Etibar Salmanli) who had attended the rally. I can understand that police forces the world over might arrest someone who tries to prevent another arrest. I can just about possibly understand that if a singer had committed a crime (the criminal allegation was using bad language), a guitarist might somehow be implicated, but why on earth was the blogger arrested? Luckily for him, Jamal Ali has now fled the country. He’s currently in Germany.

Some European Parliamentarians, human rights activists (especially in France, Holland and Ireland) and some bloggers have called for a boycott of this year’s Eurovision contest, driven by the host nation’s record on human rights. Amnesty International’s latest country report on Azerbaijan records the ban on opposition rallies and meetings, as well as the detention of journalists. Human Rights Watch criticised the manner in which Baku was made more beautiful by demolishing homes to make way for the newly built Eurovision venue. That’s happened in London too, of course, for the Olympics. What distinguishes Baku from London is the manner of the evictions. No-one in London had their home demolished whilst they were still inside it. No-one was evicted without warning or in the middle of the night.

Armenia has pulled out of this year’s competition, citing fear for the safety of its entrants – Armenia has recently been at war with Azerbaijan. Iceland’s broadcasters nearly withdrew. The entire event is staged by and for broadcasters.

However, activists on the ground seem to be asking for the boycott campaign to be called off. They argue that the contest has highlighted the predicament of the Azerbaijani people in a way that nothing ever did before. Not even their most famous son and world chess champion, Garry Kasparov. He’s well know for championing democracy in Russia instead. (He’s a brave man, by the way.) A boycott now seems unlikely. Eurovision extracted a guarantee from Azerbaijan to ensure complete freedom of the press during the competition. That may seem fairly meaningless but it is a telling humiliation for a family used to absolute power. They know now the world is watching more closely than ever.

Perhaps that doesn’t bother them too much right now. They do seem fairly rich. Their wealth is hard to explain, especially given that the President’s salary is less than £150,000 per annum. Even harder to understand is how his fifteen year old son, Heydar Aliyev, has accumulated so much wealth that he could personally buy real estate in the United Arab Emirates Palm Islands worth £30,000,000. Apparently. According to the Daily Telegraph the title to the property in question was transferred to Aliyev Junior when he was only eleven years’ old.

Fear of photographers

This morning I was prevented from photographing an advert inside the M&S “Simply Food” store in Brighton Railway Station. Apparently there’s a store policy preventing people taking pictures. That’s fair enough. Threatening to call the police before asking me to leave the store smacked of inadequate staff training more than anything more sinister. When I invited the man making that absurd threat to go ahead, he changed tack and said that photographs in Brighton station were not permitted. Really? Brighton station is world famous for its spectacular roof and is the first sight hundreds of thousands of visitors have on arrival in our city. It must have between photographed many thousands of times.

Following the terrorist attacks on 11th September in the USA, the western world has become truly paranoid about individuals taking photographs. Year on year, the restrictions and over zealous application of them has become ever more fanatical. Within days of the Occupy London protestors setting up camp in St Paul’s Churchyard, photographers were arrested for snapping the cathedral and other famous landmarks in the capital. Those arrested included established journalists, tourists and professional photographers. Long gone are the days when only a professional can afford a decent camera. The reasons for the arrests is always the same: security.

It beggars belief that anyone can truly believe that security will be compromised to any greater extent by conspicuous camera use, than it is by the relentless corporate image capturing, which the state does not challenge. Google has been allowed to photograph and publish every street and virtually every dwelling in the country. In fine detail, from ground level and from space. This visual reportage is free for anyone to look at, anytime, any place. It can be viewed from behind proxy servers or through the untrackable Tor Project. Plainly this represents more of a threat to domestic security than the picture postcard industry. Picking on individuals and not the powerful is petty and largely pointless. For a few hundred pounds anyone can buy a concealed camera for the lapel or the spectacles.

After decades of the police covering up their numbers and running amok at public demonstrations and triggering unnecessary riots (the Poll Tax riot in 1991 springs to mind), technology has caught up with events on the ground. In the UK, the police no longer attempt to stop people filming them. They understand that it would be a futile gesture, that any attempt to do so would only be fined by many more people and consequently they are obliged to tolerate people openly filming their Forward Intelligence Teams (FIT), who film everyone back in turn. Orwell was right to predict a future dominated by the all seeing camera but wrong to imagine that there would be only one pair of hands on the controls. This mass filming of everything may present a problem of scale for future historians but it helps civil society run much more smoothly. Whatever you do, wherever you go, in urban areas at least, there’s a strong chance that someone has a record of it. The anti-social, the criminals and all others who would otherwise prefer not to be caught can be brought to book much more easily. This doesn’t affect the most honourable tradition of public protest: those committed to civil disobedience want their actions known. Politics without publicity is pointless.

As with much else in the Digital Age, we’re in a transitional period. The demographical fact is that these technologies have emerged after much of our current senior management strata began their careers. Many of them probably just wish the internet would simply go away. They struggle with it, they make bad decisions based on fear and loathing.

These bad attitudes will pass with time. In times to come, you still won’t be able to photograph inside shops without permission but you won’t be patronised with the notion that you are a security risk. Whether we’ll be able to grapple with the real security risks – the unaccountable corporations controlling our data – remains to be seen.

A tale of two bankrupt countries: Greece and Iceland, and a lesson for the UK

Whilst these two countries have many differences, they also have much in common: neither can pay their debts without severe measures being imposed on them by the international banking ‘community’. It’s difficult to show quality footage from the Greek streets without showing the overly partisan propaganda from the political rioters or borrowing the gloat-fest from Russian TV or certain channels in autocratic states but here’s a taste of what went down on the streets of many cities on Sunday evening when the Greek Parliament agreed to another round of austerity measures six years into their recession. If you don’t want to watch it, this shows five minutes of attacks on police motorcyclists. It begins with them racing through a crowd, which responds aggressively. One of the police officers swerves to kick a protestor, loses control and then the violence really kicks off. This scene has been repeated throughout many cities in Greece for months.

As with most riots, there is much confusion and much that is clear. Large numbers of Greeks are now in contempt of anyone connected with official politics. There have even been reports of opposition MPs being attacked in the streets! They voted for the austerity measures too. Talk of choosing which taxes to pay has become commonplace and it seems likely that serious social unrest will continue in a chaotic manner for months to come. Huge numbers of people are now sleeping in the streets in Athens, not because they have joined some sort of new version of the Occupy movement. They have become homeless in the relentless recession.

Compare and contrast this situation with Iceland. Relative to the size the country, Iceland’s banking collapse is the largest in history. Curiously the UK’s elderly middle class played a key role in Iceland’s economic woes. They invested heavily in the Icelandic banks, having been attracted by interest rates that were too good to believe. There’s an old proverb for purchasing, which applies as much to investments as anything else – if a price appears to be good to be true, it probably is. Nudged on by trusted commentators like Robert Peston (who can hardly be blamed for reporting the facts), when the UK’s elderly middle class realised their mistaken financial adventure they commenced a run on the Icelandic banks, which failed. This is, of course, a crude summary. The point is that when their banks failed, instead of pumping the people’s money into them to keep them afloat, the Icelandic government just closed them down. The Icelandic government ignored the warnings from the apparently all powerful ratings agencies and let the banks fail. International Capital issued all sorts of dire threats and made various menacing remarks but look what has happened: the Icelandic economy has recovered, they’ve been able to get loans again on reasonable terms and there has not been a massive wave of social unrest. In fact they all got together and rewrote their country’s constitution instead, crowd sourcing the details. Sure, there have been protests but of a rather different nature. Here is a video of the Icelandic government walking close to a booing crowd. Apart from a few egg throwers it is very civilised. In fact the President’s wife peels off from the politicians and joins the crowd!

In the UK our biggest bank failed. Our government bailed it out with our money. Whether they had our consent or support to do that is definitely arguable. The banks then turned on the people that had bailed them out by raising interest rates and refusing credit left, right and centre. Time and again David Cameron talks about the ‘benefit’ the City of London has for the British economy. The political consensus between all the three main political parties makes listening to the news similar to being in Stalinist Russia – there is no longer a meaningful political debate. Even the journalists have bought into the new political hegemony. They don’t challenge those in charge.

Bankers have continued to receive enormous pay packets and the poor get poorer. Same old story, except that previously there was a labour movement which had the spunk to complain about this vast inequality and demand action for change. The Green Party has not yet obtained sufficient mass support to seriously challenge the political status quo. Essentially the UK’s economy is mired in scam-ridden financial services which exploit the rest of the world and cause much of the economic problems. Ever since the dark days of Thatcher, we have been relentlessly told that businesses which fail cannot be protected by the state even if their unmanaged disintegration will cause massive social upheaval. The hypocrisy with which our established politicians protect the banking industry is starkly obvious. We are told that these companies are too big to fail, that too many jobs are at risk, that too much is invested in them. Yet Iceland’s banks failed in a much bigger and more spectacular manner than the UK’s and the country let them go without suffering the problems that the UK economy has had.

The truth of the matter is that the major banks are now holding much of the world’s population to ransom. They pretend to own the world. The Greek situation demonstrates this very clearly – there were a series of secret derivative deals between their government and Goldman Sachs over much of the last decade, which lawfully circumvented financial reporting rules. Give a man a gun and he can rob a bank. Give a man a bank and he can rob the world. Give a nation an unpalatable political option and there will be riots. Give them a choice and they will take sensible decisions.

Democracy requires there to be a choice of political options for people to choose between. Sure, there is a choice – anyone in the UK is free to vote for the Green Party but the fact is that the traditional big three parties have abandoned their democratic duties. There should be a meaningful opposition in the UK. Traditionally the opposition to the worst excesses of capitalism was provided by the Labour Party and, when they were in power, by the Liberals. Now they all sleep in the same bed. They compete only to show off what efficient managers of capitalism they can be. This situation does not lead to better political ideas emerging, it leads to people distrusting politicians even more. It leads to riots. We had some of those didn’t we? Our political class was quick to dismiss socio-economic factors as being causative of the riots. Our journalists weren’t quite so sure but generally went along with the established body politic. The rioters themselves were not offering alternative visions of society, apart from shopping with violence, but they were definitely contemptuous of political and moral authority which for many years has been a blanket smothering all opposition. The people who Newsnight spoke to (in the video below) repeatedly talk of wanting revenge on the police for the daily inconveniences they visit on people. Their world has become polarised into stark choices, where you’re either able to afford material goods and are treated properly by the police or you’re poor and are treated like shit.

Occupy London and other encampments around the UK attracted a huge mount of popular support but did not offer a coherent alternative vision to the status quo. My support for the Green Party is pretty obvious – even the background colour of this blog is Green! However, this is an appeal to all political parties and interested groups (except the thieving Tory bastards, of course). We need a choice of political ideas for our economy and society to tick properly. Without options, people feel straight jacketed and make their own rebellions: they stop paying taxes, they stop other forms of economic activity because to be without choices is to be without hope. This truth has been much adopted by modern capitalism. Our markets are bombarded with endless choices. Hundreds of types of shampoo do not enlighten our lives but the prospect that there might be a genuine debate between competing visions for society does act to preserve societal values. The present political hegemony pits us all against anyone powerful.

Labour Party prefers church to perform their political role

There’s been a sharp decline in religious faith in Britain over the last few years and most people now believe that clerics should stay out of politics altogether. The 26th British Social Attitudes Report said that only 43% of the country considered itself to be Christian and 51% of the country had no faith at all. Yet 3% those with the right to vote in the UK’s second parliamentary chamber, the House of Lords, are unelected representatives of one particular church. They are the 26 Bishops of the Church of England. The Church of England emphasises their presence as being primarily pastoral rather than political. That didn’t stop them becoming the main political news story this morning. They have teamed up with some Liberal Democrat peers (also unelected) to provide the only opposition to the government’s policy for capping social security benefits.

Ed Miliband is not only the Labour Party Leader but also the Leader of Her Majesty’s Opposition. He gets paid £73,617 for this official post. Along with much else in the British constitution, the post doesn’t come with an official job description but for decades students of politics have been taught that post holder has to oppose government policy in order to test it. Miliband agrees with most government policy. His Shadow Chancellor agrees with the cuts, having promised to not reverse any of them. Ball’s title lacks official status, which is fortunate because otherwise some hacks might be speculating about whether he had committed the offence under the Theft Act of obtaining a pecuniary advantage by deception. That is the criminal sanction normally used to punish the worst curriculum vitae liars or those who simply don’t do their job at all.

With the Labour Party apparently now refusing to oppose government policy, this morning’s news was left to reporting the views of the Bishops as if that is the main story of the day! Of our three main political parties, two officially sit on the government benches: the thieving Tory bastards and the Liberal Democrats. The party which dominates the Official Opposition benches agrees with the government and only some unelected religious freaks who represent a minority superstition in the country have anything critical to say on the matter! In these circumstances it is hardly surprising that the electorate is apathetic. There is literally nothing to choose between. The Green Party Leader, Caroline Lucas, could hardly be accused of exaggeration when calls the Labour “the third Tory party“.

There are substantial numbers of people who have become convinced that our political system has been corrupted beyond repair. Consequently they do not vote. Previously I have pointed to the fact that they could shake up the system by spoiling their ballots as a statement of intent. Spoiling your ballot counts as a vote of sorts, since spoilt ballots are counted too (a fact few seem to realise). Given the sacrifices that have been and are made for the right to vote, refusing to vote is antisocial. The question is how to convince those who have it in their power to revolutionise our undemocratic constitution to vote? Their sudden involvement would shake up quite a large number of our elected politicians, whose majorities have become a bit too predictable. The ‘new’ voters would suddenly appear and would inevitably be treated in much the same way as swing voters – the politicians would fight for their votes with a vigour which they do not employ with for stable constituencies.

Oddly, some activists inside Occupy London are now investigating various plans to democratise the City of London Corporation. Most of these ideas are somewhat naive. They haven’t investigated the time scales properly, let along really looked into what is required: a mass voter registration scheme. They haven’t realised that in order to oversee the process effectively, there needs to be an organisation of the type they have campaigned against. Something close to a political party. Ironic that the hardcore activists refuse to vote in ordinary elections and are now planning on voting in a place where they will not be allowed to because the City only allows property owners onto its own electoral roll.

Sadly, it is more likely that the poor will become more disenfranchised and turn increasingly to madcap belief systems and the propaganda of light entertainment for their comfort blankets. There will be more riots and more money spent on riot police. There will be much more rouble ahead. The Labour Party’s success in the early and mid-20th Century happened because the Liberals collapsed as a serious contender for Opposition. Whether the Green Party can properly capitalise on the Labour Party’s submission remains to be seen.

Debating law with a lover of fairy tales

This post is turned over to the most coherent comment yet received from the Freeman cult, whose supporters have taken umbrage at my deconstruction of their nonsensical legal woo. They’ve also organised themselves into trolling parties, with the result that I adopted a comments policy, requesting that comments stay on the topic of what the post was about. Since they like to keep harping on about their belief system, here’s a place for them to do it and a place for me to reply. The debate below takes the form of a comment – in italics – from one of the cult followers with my answers to the points made. You can find the whole original comment on another post.

Thanks for your long comment. More of a blog post on its own right though isn’t it? Perhaps you’d have been better off writing your own blog and then inviting me to comment there or here by way of a pingback? I’ll have a quick go at responding to some of what you’ve written, “*”. A shame that you couldn’t make up a better name, although I suppose it does have the benefit of brevity.

According to some, all is illusory, even time.

That doesn’t really take us anywhere does it?

I enjoy reading about the freeman movement because I enjoy anything which can, or has the potential, to empower people, even if it is illusory or fairy tale. Perhaps this can be accomplished through proper civil procedure but one must ask oneself if this is truly effective, which is probably the reason the freeman movement exists at all, because the proper civil procedures has perhaps failed, in some respects. If the proper civil procedures were perfect, or even adequate, I doubt the freeman movement would even exist at all.

The freeman thing is a cult. Cults exist not to fill the voids in an imperfect world but to take advantage of human vulnerabilities. They perform much they same function as religion.

I also enjoyed the article written against the movement, because it brings to light possible flaws. My question is, is it all simply woo, is there nothing that is true, which the movement advocates or brings to light, or offers as truth? Can nothing of what they say be potentially effective? For instance, I like the oath technique where the judge is made to produce his oath before proceeding. Is this not a viable strategy?

It is all nonsense. Nothing of what they say is effective in law.

Also, is it not also true that in fact there is such a thing as a corporate fiction, and that fiat currency is not real “money”, that pretty much every country in the world is bankrupt and operating as such? Is it not also true that there are too many laws and restrictions in the form of statutes and codes which are primarily there not for safety but for profit?

Corporations were created and given legal status by laws around the world. Therefore, they are not fiction. They are bodies corporate, rather than bodies corporeal. Fiat or paper money has been the vast majority of money everywhere in the world for a long time. As to whether anybody or thing is bankrupt, that simply comes down to an accountant’s opinion. Your last question is so open as to be meaningless. You’d do better to start citing laws rather than mentioning them enigmatically. I’m not saying whether I agree or disagree with you, I’m saying that the question appears rhetorical – it is impossible to answer, unless you state which laws you are including. You don’t even say which sources of law you are talking about?

I believe common law is simply common sense or natural law which every person is simply born knowing.

You can believe whatever you want. Ordinarily, common law is the name given to the appellate judgments which become authorities for subsequent cases in lower courts. These authorities are what lay people call precedents. All common law is written. You appear to believe in some other kind of law of, at best, dubious historical value, which you borrow the phrase ‘common law’ to describe.

Written law, such as constitutions, statutes and codes, are supposed to reflect common law, which can also be seen as divine law.

If you wish to see them as such you may do. Again, there is your personal belief stepping in. However, many countries’ constitutions were written on behalf of the people having overthrown a monarch who claimed the divine right to govern. In England Statute is not supposed to reflect anything except the will of Parliament. Sometimes it is deliberately drafted to fit with existing common law, sometimes not. The real problem here is that you do not appear to understand the structure of law. You need to understand where law emanates from – there are various sources – and how it all fits together. I certainly I am not proposing to educate you but I would suggest buying a simple academic text book to learn this. A-Level is probably good enough. There’s really no point talking about law if you haven’t learnt anything about it. Don’t read stuff with a political axe to grind unless you’ve studied the law we actually have to deal with first.

I mean, does not everyone already know that murder, stealing, lying, or harming another without just cause, which is usually in self-defense or in the defense of others, is wrong?

Yes, but does agreeing about this actually lead to any valuable conclusions? It has about as much merit as pointing out the colour of the sky, which is grey as everyone knows.

To say that written law. or a law created and imposed externally by another or a state, is the primary authority, takes away that power from the individual, turns the individual into something which must be led out of necessity because it assumes the individual cannot govern themselves, and in essence denies their god-given sovereignty, or right to rule themselves.

Not all law takes away power from an individual. Some of it grants powers. Much law specifically expects people to govern themselves, by expecting them to tell the difference between right and wrong and to make the good decision. If you are opposed to all written law, then say so. All law is written. It has to be. The alternative is rule by decree, which allows dictators to constantly change the nature of their rule. This leads to nightmarish confusion, where you never know what will happen next, whether you will be arrested and executed for something you did the week before to comply with a previous decree. You can’t even work out the price of bread because taxes become liable to jump around all over the place. Witness Mugabe’s rule in Zimbabwe or the monarchical regime in pre-Revolutionary France.

I believe this is where the freeman (or sovereignty) movement originates from. That divine law, natural law, or common law, is above man’s law or any law man creates, or believes he creates or has created. I believe freeman, or sovereigns, feel man’s law is illegitimate as it places man above their creator, as well as imposing an excessive amount of restrictions in the form of statutes and codes which severely curtails his freedom, which is more of a convenience for those already with power than those who have none, or very little. Is this not a viable complaint? Why do I need a permit to carry a gun, which imposes a limitation on my god given right to protect myself, why do I need a license, and insurance, to drive, which imposes a limitation on my god given right to travel, why must I have I.D. and a S.S. card to get a job, which limits my god given right to provide for myself, why are there still laws which make it illegal to alter my conscious experience of reality when numerous credible studies prove they are safer than most, if not all, legal mind-altering substances? Why do we still rely and depend on non-reusable and dirty forms of energy when technologies exist that can make them obsolete?

You do seem to oppose all laws. Fine. Why not say so? Presumably you would grant anyone the right to trade arms, fossil fuels and child prostitutes because a written law to stop them would be bad. You would also do away with all taxation, because it requires writing to make it work?

Human societies make laws to govern themselves. The issue is what these laws are, not whether law in itself should be abolished. Have you been to Somalia recently?

I believe it is the search for these answers, as well as the search for truth in general, and the desire to make the world better, that fuels movements such as these in the world, and should not be dismissed so cavalierly. It is merely the desperately powerless attempting to empower themselves as peaceably and civilly as they know how, or even can know. They should be shown compassion, not condemned. Perhaps offering them a viable and effective alternative superior to the one they have found would be the best idea.

Of course we should pity people but that doesn’t mean we should refrain from pointing out the flaws in the argument. As well as abolishing law, you seem to want ban debate too! How would you manage that though, without any law? Debate tests ideas. Without debate, our ideas are worthless. Here I am defending my idea of law from yours and you from me. I think I’m getting the upper hand, you may agree or you may feel otherwise. I welcome your attempt to debate this with me. However, you don’t seem to welcome the debate at all. Why not? If something is nonsense, we should say so. Otherwise nonsense is allowed to continue. There isn’t a ladder of respectability of arguments. Some arguments are just nonsense and don’t hold any water. We should discourage people from taking them up and messing up their lives with them. It would be different if we all lived for ever but human life is too precious to let cult leaders take control of people’s lives by preaching nonsense. This is what the freeman thing is: a cult which takes advantage of vulnerable people by giving them false hope.

I am not arguing for or against religion or theism but simply that there is something in nature which makes it unnecessary for there to be externally imposed law, which statutory law is, is it not?

All law, by its very nature, is externally imposed. Otherwise it wouldn’t be law. You make a distinction between one type of law and the others but they all have equal force and none of them were in our hearts and minds when we were born.

That people are in fact born already knowing a certain degree of right and wrong, which can be refined through environment and experience conducive to such ethical and moral values. We can call this instinct or human nature, something inborn or inherent in the evolutionary makeup of man, which allows him to better discern what is proper or improper, or what is fit or sound, in a context of survival. To deny this is to deny or fail to appreciate, fully, the extent of complexity, sublimity, grandeur, and majesty, of man.

People are not born knowing what right and wrong is. They learn it from their culture, which is why some cultures think one thing and others the opposite. We call many things instinct, or human nature, usually according to some specious convenience in our selfish argument, which is pretty much what you have done here. You wax lyrical with your words but very little meaning flows out of them. You are using a badly constructed rhetorical flourish to found your next argument, so that the reader thinks having agreed with your words, s/he ought to agree with the next. This crude trick doesn’t work when someone else gets a turn at speaking.

That man is in fact a unique species,

Are we? How do you know? I certainly don’t think we are. Most scientists seem to agree that we share most of our genes with other animals, which makes us far from unique.

evolved to simplicity, or in order to simplify our existence and ability to survive. The elegance of our evolution can be seen most obviously in our capacity to create, as well as in the innocence of a child.

Did you read through this before submitting it? A moment ago you were suggesting that babies are born “already knowing a certain degree of right and wrong”. Now you are saying they are born innocent. Either they are properly innocent or they are not. Perhaps this is another one of your rhetorical set pieces?

So, I suppose, the question would be, are so many laws and regulations necessary, particularly in the form of statutes and codes, if we already have such an elegant law built within ourselves?

Is that the question? I’ve got another question, were you under the influence when you wrote this guff? You’re spinning on the spot! First we are born with knowledge, then we’ve evolved for simplicity, next we are born innocent and now we “already have such an elegant law built within ourselves”!! If you’re going to make an argument, whatever it is, it will need consistency of perspective. You jump around like a religious preacher whose congregation is already persuaded of his truth. In other words, you’re not trying to persuade anyone of anything here, you’re talking to your converted crowd. It’s always easy to play to the gallery. It’s much harder to take on an argument you disagree with and properly deconstruct it. However, if you can’t manage it, don’t pretend to.

I suppose a counter argument against this would be, what about those who are the exception? The ones who seem to be born without this inherent tendency of self-governance? They are just that, exceptions, and usually make up a very small percentage of a population, and are usually the reasons why we even have statutes and codes in the first place. For instance, just because one person goes on a killing spree in a school does not mean everyone will or is even capable, nor should it be a reason to infringe on a person’s right to own and carry a gun or weapon for self-defense, because who will police the police, if not the people, and who will defend our ourselves and our family from imminent danger, the police, or some other external authority? I do not believe so, because try as they might, the governments, states, external laws and authorities are not superman and most certainly not God. Also, just because a few terrorists in planes decided to destroy a couple of buildings and murder thousands of innocent people does not mean every single person in the world is now a terrorist or even capable of being one, legitimizing the passing of draconian legislation which would otherwise have never been passed.

‘Yeah!!! We should all be allowed access not only to the cockpits of planes but also to the pilot’s seat and the controls. Anyone who tries to stop me is infringing my personal freedom to pay an airline company to allow me to crash their plane into a building or masturbate in public or carry atomic waste around in the boot of my car. I should be allowed to do whatever I want, wherever I want, without reference to anyone else. I don’t cause any harm and most people don’t either, therefore we can just put up with the ones that do because they would never intimidate me or anyone else….’ just listen to yourself! You could have made a serious point about how to achieve the best balance between civil liberty and curtailing the freedom of mass murderers but instead you ramble on incoherently.

Legislation and acts which are illegitimate in the first place.

That’s a bare assertion, slipped into your argument as if it would go by unnoticed. You’ve made no attempt to establish this claim. In an argument, you have to at least establish your premises. Let’s say that I disagree that Statutory Law is illegitimate, if they are made by a parliament elected by democracy. It would have been safer for you to assume, since you are posting this on the internet, that many people might take my position on this. Therefore, you have to establish the grounds for this argument. You have to be able to say why they are illegitimate. You don’t necessarily have to win that particular argument but you do have to at least have a go. Bare assertions relating to matters in dispute can never win any argument, as the City of London Corporation is about to discover in the High Court…

Just because of this they now have an excuse to demand identification on sight or suffer consequences like being thrown in jail or fined. This is also very wrong, unconstitutional, and a violation of civil and human rights. But this is not the fundamental problem. The problem is how do these acts and legislations get passed in the first place.

It might be politically wrong but it doesn’t appear to be legally unconstitutional. Again, you are throwing in bare assertions. However, perhaps I have been a bit hard on you and you are now going to justify your first bare assertion.

If you wish for a solution it must come from oneself, the individual, not a party, state, policy, or man-made law, which are all externally imposed forms of control, and highly coercive, which is patently anti-freedom and anti-individual as it assumes the individual is incapable of self-governance, which is patently absurd. What people need is not more laws or law enforcement or forcefully imposed constraints, but information, knowledge, wisdom, understanding, appreciation, compassion, empathy, and love, as well as the freedom to choose for oneself. People are not children, and if they are mentally unsound or incapable of defending themselves or understanding then they should be helped and protected, not taken advantage of or exploited, which is what many feel the legal, governmental, and state systems have done, is doing, and will continue to do.

No easy way of identifying and protecting all those who are vulnerable though is there, in your preferred system, with no law whatsoever? I guess they could all join the freeman cult?

I am of the opinion that these institutions, the state and legal systems, are tools that men have created in order to make their life easier, not worse. They are man’s creation and so hence if a flaw or problem is perceived in them it is one existing in man, not something soulless or immaterial like a system or a corporation. Analogously, is it the man’s fault or the gun’s when a murder is committed?

You do like the rhetorical bits, don’t you? Nothing much can be gleaned from this last passage. It is neutral for your line of argument. Whatever next?

So if one wants change or a solution, then it must come from within, then it will appear externally, in the systems we have created.

It sounds like you believe only a change in our collective consciousness will create political change. How very convenient. This certainly excuses you from actually doing anything to bring about change. For example, you could campaign for a certain law reform. Let’s take a random example: you could campaign for the Tobin tax. You could say that it won’t by itself solve every problem but it could go a long way towards curtailing the corporations which don’t pay their full tax bills. You prefer not to do this but to wait, until we are all just as stoned as you…

For instance, the judge and police officers, or man, have free will and choice, yet choose at times to harm others and then use the excuse of law or blame the system for their choice, which is also patently absurd. The judge or police man must see themselves as a man first and foremost, there to aid his fellow man. I think therein lies the problem, they see themselves as separate when in fact they are not. Help them to see this fact, this truth, and they will soon become conscious of the accountability of their actions and choices as free thinking individuals like everyone else. They are simply victims of a particular form of indoctrination and propaganda, just like those in the military and others trained to kill, and trained in the use of externally imposed force, control, and order. Some believe they are victims of even more subversive forms of propaganda and indoctrination which I will not bother speculating on at this time, but derive their origins in masonry or other occultic systems of knowledge. We must help them deprogram, and give them back what was taken from them, namely choice, free will, individuality, and sympathy for their fellow man, as many are being conditioned to believe we are subhuman and undeserving of mercy or compassion. Is this not true also?

Who will be running the deprogramming? Mao Tse-Tung back from the grave? I don’t think there’s much wisdom in what you say here. I dare say some people hold views the opposite of yours or mine, for that matter. Many people make difficult choices under difficult circumstances. Do I hold avowedly left-wing views because I know the truth of them or because I came from a left-wing family? The best explanation I have ever heard was Rawl’s Rings of Socialisation, which I believe (it was a long time ago I read it) was concerned with why some people were more likely to vote Labour than Conservative but principally is concerned with why we act the way we do, politically speaking. Basically, you are saying that we should stop arguing with those we feel we disagree with, we should offer them a better option, we should wait for their consciousness to rise and then everything will be pretty much okay. It’s an attractive argument and very similar to the Rastafarian creed. How long do you think we will have to wait for Babylon to fall into the sea? What’s that? I can’t hear you, because I died waiting for the answer.

I believe the main problem is the problem that has plagued us for millennia, namely money, but also power and competitiveness, which money begets, reinforces and nurtures. Can one imagine a world without it? I think that in order to solve many of today’s and tomorrow’s ills we must do away with this insidious form of corrupting influence. It is what is poisoning the tree, as it is the root. Instead of focusing on the branches we must concentrate on the root, which is, not money itself necessarily, but humanity’s perceived need and desire for it. The love of money, in other words.

Yeah! Get rid of money! All the problems will be solved. What’s this? Gold turns out to have intrinsic value because of its seven exceptional properties? That chap over there, with the best farmland, has been exchanging all his stuff for gold? He’s got all the gold. He exchanged some of the gold for armed guards, who come into town each night to do whatever they want! Whatever we do, let’s deny this existence of commodity trading lest we acknowledge human frailties! No way do we want to tax him any of his gold to pay for civil amenities and no way do we want to make written laws which everyone could understand governed who could carry guns. It’s only one person! What’s that? He’s calling himself the King!! Whatever next?!!

If law must exist, in the form of statutes and codes, or written form, which common law is not, it must be a form all consent to, or at least the majority, in the form of people not of those who possess the most money, and if it is not agreed upon or if the majority finds it to be an unjust law, then it should be removed and not obeyed.

Make up your mind, do you want democratic law making or not?

The occupiers, in my opinion, should be filing lawsuits against the corporations which have stolen our wealth, along with the federal governments.

Why not file the lawsuits yourself? Occupy London is working hard to raise the consciousness of the population, which is what you want. Now you want them to abandon this cause and just become litigants in person, even though we know that this wealth has been robbed from us by legal means. The solution is to work out the best law reform. Perhaps a Tobin Tax?

The occupiers should be demanding that the mayors and governors which have authority over the police and state legislation resign and should be sued as well if it is justified, perhaps even jailed themselves. They should be occupying city hall as well as the state capitol and demand that they rise up against the federal government, which is the true guilty party as they allowed wall street and the banks to have all of our money in the form of bailouts. A nationwide boycott and occupation, as well as a nationwide outcry and protest in the form of lawsuits against those primarily responsible, would be one solution in effecting change.

Perhaps you are an American? Over here in England our Mayors don’t have the same power over the police. My arguments with the freeman cult has been purely with English people. The point about the Occupy movement though is to take the arguments to the centres of fiscal power, rather than political power. That is why I have been involved with Occupy London Stock Exchange. Occupying our equivalent political headquarters is a largely pointless exercise because real power does not reside in them.

The occupiers should be demanding their wealth back from the banks and the government, which have been wholly misappropriated, demanding a reduction of militarization, repeals of draconian or/and repressive legislation, greater protection and defense of human and individual rights, an end to governmental secrecy, an end to useless and exploitative institutions which have been proven to cause more harm and ill than good, namely the IRS, Federal Reserve, World Bank, and IMF, and demanding legislation that will help all peoples not just the richest with the most money, like FDR’s second bill or rights, tax cuts for the poor not the rich, as well as legislation to greatly increase regulations for corporations, making them accountable to the people, and making them into what they really are, businesses not human beings, persons, or people. It is not the money, but the time and labor we have invested in the money to give it its value. That is what we want back.

Your conclusion is as clear as is it completely at odds with everything else you’ve written! You argued against written law but you now demand increased regulation for corporations. If this is not to be written down, is the idea to use a chap with an excellent memory who recites everything from time to time? That would be a dry evening, methinks. Also, it isn’t a very convenient way of access the anti-corporate regulations, is it? Writing is the best way because it can be read by anyone and easily distributed.