Category Archives: Sussex Police

The 2013 March for England in Brighton: Questions for Sussex Police

Updated: 30th April 2013, with Sussex Police’s answers in italics. The police cannot become properly involved in the political debates about protest. All they can present are the facts as they saw them. Thus, my questions have been factual. Aside from observing that Sussex Police have not answered all the questions below, their answers are published without further commentary. The text below is my original post text as are the questions.

Here’s a list of straight questions, which Sussex Police need to answer following Operation Wheeler on Sunday 21st April 2013. Operation Wheeler was the name given to the massive policing operation in Brighton, which related to the “March for England”, a protest by a collection of far-right organisations. Yesterday, I published my personal account of the 2013 March for England.

Each question is numbered. I invite Sussex Police to reply to each specific question, using the contact form on this blog (they can identify themselves in a twitter Direct Message to verify answers received at this end come from them ~ I suggest they include a code in both the contact form and the Direct Message). My readers are welcome to put these questions to Sussex Police themselves. I’ll publish all the official answers in this post under each question.

Reports suggest that ten police forces were involved in Operation Wheeler. However, Sussex Police was in charge on the day. Therefore, all these questions are addressed to Sussex Police.

As a preface to the answers, please can we request that contrary to your usual ‘Comments Policy’, you publish our whole comment in full at first (including this introduction). That only seems fair since we have answered your questions in exactly the format requested.

It should also be noted by your readers that you were offered a face-to-face meeting with the operation commander, Supt Steve Whitton, prior to the answers being provided in writing. We suggested that you could record the full conversation in audio or writing, to publish here.

This was our preference, as it would allow you immediate reaction to, or clarification of, the answers provided. It would have reduced the time it has taken to provide the answers in writing. It would also, in our view, have provided a more meaningful and natural dialogue, particularly as some of your questions are a little loaded or without context, so have resulted in short answers without the ability for immediate two-way clarification.

The invite to meet with Supt Steve Whitton stands and, while we will do our best to engage with any resulting debate here or on Twitter, we must balance this with the time taken already to address your questions.

These answers have been compiled from information on operational systems and conversations with a number of people involved in the operation.

1. Who was in charge of Operation Wheeler?

Superintendent Steve Whitton.

2. What public order experience did the officer in charge have prior to 21st April 2013?

Supt Whitton is one of the most experienced public order commanders in Sussex Police and has commanded many public order events. He is nationally-accredited public order gold commander.

3. Why did Sussex Police allow the “March for England” to occur in Brighton on 21st April 2013?

There was no reason to request the local authority to make a banning order through the Home Secretary.

One of the guiding principles of our common law is that a citizen is free to do anything not forbidden by the law. Citizens of the UK are entitled to expect that peaceful assemblies, processions and demonstrations will not just be permitted, but will be positively facilitated by the police. This is emphasised by the European Court of Human Rights in a stated case which talks of the obligation of the state to go beyond non interference and extends into facilitation.

Police only have the power to approach the chief executive of the local authority, who in turn must approach the Home Secretary, in order to seek a ban. Only a procession can be banned and there is no power to prevent an assembly. The police can only approach the council where they believe serious disorder will occur and they cannot prevent this with the resources and legislation available to them. It is seen as a severe measure in relation to breaching people’s Human Rights.

4. Did Sussex Police consider the impact of the “March for England” on local residents, including the Scouts who subsequently decided to cancel their annual St George’s Day parade? If not, why not? If so, why was priority given to the “March for England”?

A multi-agency partnership meeting considered the impact at great length over several months of planning and Sussex Police engaged at length with local residents, businesses, traders and other interested parties. The scouts informed us that they had decided to change the date of their parade. There had been no conversation with them prior to that decision. With all policing operations, the impact on the wider community is balanced against the rights of others.

5. Why have Sussex Police allowed a man from Portsmouth to organise a march in Brighton for three years running?

There is no geographical restriction on organisers. It is not a factor we can legally consider.

6. Are Sussex Police aware of any local people joining the “March for England?” If so, how many? How many of those are what is commonly called “street drinkers”?

We do not know what percentage of the participants in the march were local.

7. What was the cost of Operation Wheeler?

The cost of the operation is still being established and will be made public in due course. It does take some time to collate all this information as we are dependent on receiving costs from mutual aid forces and we need to establish how long everyone involved was on duty and what other costs may have been incurred. We strive to keep costs as low as possible, but have already publicly indicated that the total cost will amount to several hundred thousand pounds.

8. Did Sussex Police have problems with the batteries in their cameras?

The Logistics Officer is not aware of any replacement batteries being requested during the operation.

9. Why did Sussex Police give permission to an organisation which has form for provoking large scale counter-protests to take over Brighton Seafront?

The seafront was established as the best option for the march, predominantly taking in consideration our key priority of keeping everyone safe – public, participants and police. The route was agreed by a multi-agency partnership meeting and considered the impact on city centre routes and business areas that were affected in previous years.

10. Does Sussex Police accept that its decision directly led to a massive loss of business for Brighton’s commercial economy, at a time of economic hardship and on a day which would otherwise have been lucrative?

We are aware that there was a negative impact on the city and the effect that the march would have was considered by the agencies and partners who discussed at great length the location of the march. While we recognise the problems experienced by local traders, the geographical scale of the impact was less than previous years and the majority of the city was unaffected directly by the march and the counter protestors. A neighbourhood policing inspector is personally visiting businesses along the route to better understand the impact the day’s events had on both residents and businesses.

11. Did Sussex Police consider suggesting an alternative venue for the “March for England”? If not, why not? If so, which venues were considered and why were they rejected? Was Preston Park considered?

A number of options were considered by the multi-agency partnership meeting. An open area such as Preston Park would be very difficult to effectively police with the prime objective of public safety without significantly increasing the number of police officers required to prevent violence and disorder. Had the march taken place elsewhere we consider that the impact would have been far greater.

12. Does Sussex Police accept that it, effectively, invited two groups of violent people into Brighton on 21st April 2013, because the “March for England” always attracts opposition, some of which is violent?

Sussex Police did not invite either of the groups and does not accept that point. We have an obligation, as outlined in answer 3, to facilitate peaceful protest and we are asked to do so for various groups in Brighton and Hove.

13. Why didn’t Sussex Police request that the “March for England” pay for the policing operation to protect it?

The march and counter protest are not organised commercial events, but protests and therefore do not incur policing costs. The role of the police is to facilitate people’s right to peaceful protest, which we do regularly for a variety of groups and causes. Brighton and Hove hosts the second highest number of protests in the UK, after London.

14. Did Sussex Police ask the “March for England” to make any financial contribution to the policing costs?

No and we don’t do. This could set a dangerous precedent or expectation for us to ask for cost recovery for every form of protest, which would be outside the spirit of current legislation and likely to be highly unacceptable to the public.

15. Did Sussex Police’s annual budgeting arrangements include a specific sum for policing the March for England? If not, why not? If so, what was that sum?

There are no budgeting arrangements considered in the annual budget for specific events, protests, etc., although there is overall contingency planning for those expected to take place across Sussex.

16. Why didn’t Sussex Police have any form of public address system on 21st April 2013? Was this option considered? If not, why not? If it was, why was it rejected?

Officers leading teams at various locations on the route of the march and its environs were equipped with portable megaphones and this proved sufficient. The matrix signs around the city warned of disruption and road closure, signs at Brighton railway station provided similar information and a large engagement process was undertaken to inform as many people as possible by many methods, including online, social media and traditional media updates on the day.

17. Did Sussex Police announce in advance that protesters would be arrested if they protested in zones designated for the opposing protesters?

No. It is not an offence to be in an ‘opposing’ protest zone. However, we would discourage this in the interests of personal safety and to prevent disorder and would consider arrests if offences were committed.

18. Do Sussex Police accept that no-one was arrested for protesting in the opposing protesters’ designated zones?

Yes, as it is not an offence.

19. Do Sussex Police accept that known supporters of the “March for England” entered the zone designated for the counter-protest and protested there?

We were made aware at the time that there may have been a handful of March for England supporters in the designated protest area for the counter protest. We were not aware until it was raised with us and it was then monitored, with action taken where appropriate to keep everyone as safe as possible.

20. Do Sussex Police accept that the “March for England” supporters who entered the official counter-protest zone were not arrested, despite that causing offence to those who considered themselves officially separated from the “March for England” supporters?

Being ‘offended by association’ is not a criminal offence. No arrests were made from either March supporters or the counter protest purely as a result of groups mingling, in line with answer 17.

21. Do Sussex Police accept that erecting a barrier which they themselves could not easily cross to remove “March for England” protesters from the counter-protest zone was a mistake, which could easily have prevented them from keeping the peace had more serious trouble occurred?

No, the barriers proved very successful and no serious disorder occurred in the areas where the barriers were deployed. Officers were deployed on both sides of the barriers in these areas and were very successful in limiting movement between opposing groups.

22. Do Sussex Police accept that deliberately and conspicuously photographing peaceful demonstrators is likely to alienate them from the police? Do Sussex Police regard anyone with a megaphone or a banner as a likely criminal?

Officers in many roles, including Evidence Gathering Teams, who were clearly distinguishable, were deployed to support the operation. No group was singled out or treated differently in relation to the use of cameras.

23. Why did Sussex Police search journalists on their way to cover the “March for England” under powers intended to combat terrorism?

A mini-bus containing nine journalists was stopped in an intelligence-led operation at Hickstead. They were treated as any other members of the public while searches were legally made.

One officer erroneously issued a ticket suggesting that the search was conducted under the Terrorism Act and they were quickly advised of their mistake, which we admitted to on Twitter the same day. The search was under the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994, which does not make a distinction based on people’s employment.

Officers and media relations staff liaised with many journalists covering the march, providing information throughout the day, facilitating interviews with the police commander and continuing with updates into the evening and next day. Officers on the ground were briefed about dealing with media representatives and provision was in place for any accredited journalist to be allowed access to any areas, including the otherwise closed route of the march.

24. Do Sussex Police accept that Operation Wheeler was stopped too early because groups of people connected with the “March for England” and part of the counter-protest continued running fights around the city after 6pm?

No. While the operation nominally concluded at 6pm, enabling the stand down of the vast majority of officers, thus reducing costs, a number of units remained deployed and were able to deal with the few sporadic incidents that occurred after that time.

25. Do Sussex Police accept that its decision to pay for coaches for the “March for England” supporters either amounts to or directly leads to a widespread perception of helping the “March for England”?

While we are aware of this perception, the decision to use one coach inbound and two outbound was taken to reduce the risk of disorder or violence and the potential for bystanders to become inadvertently involved. We are satisfied that the decision was justified by its success in moving the participants in and out of the city without incident. This tactic has been used successfully to minimise disorder for similar marches in other areas of the country.

26. What other protest groups has Sussex Police given coaches to in the last five years?

None that we are aware of, but we are also not aware of any protest taking place where the level of opposition would be likely to pose a threat to those involved that required this tactic.

27. Why didn’t Sussex Police pay for coaches to help counter-protesters to travel to Brighton & Hove City centre?

The buses were not provided to help people into the city, they were provided to mitigate an identified risk to safety of all those involved. The buses ensured that people were able to exercise their rights without the threat of violence and ensured we were able to bring the march to a swifter conclusion.

28. Does Sussex Police accept that assisting anyone to demonstrate a partisan cause, by paying for their transport, is likely to lead to a breakdown in public trust and confidence in the police because it inevitably breaches police neutrality?

No. The provision of transport was for the mitigation of risk and in the interests of the safety of everyone involved – the public, participants in the March and the counter protest, and the police. If we had been approached by an organiser from the counter protestors, then consideration would have been given to offering the same facility. The same considerations would be made for any group in the future where the risk level was similar.

29. Why didn’t Sussex Police arrest people wearing masks and take them into custody?

Sussex Police had the power (Section 60AA) to request the removal of masks, hoods, etc. and if the person refused they could be arrested.

30. Do Sussex Police accept that in at least one instance they wrestled a mask wearer to the ground violently, rather than arresting him/her and taking him/her into custody?

While we are unable to identify the specific incident from your description, this probably would have been an arrest. While it may appear rather robust, if a person is resisting arrest or struggling in any way, officers are trained to secure them swiftly and safely with the minimum risk to both the arrested person and the arresting officer(s).

31. Why didn’t Sussex Police arrest “March for England” supporters wearing masks or other face coverings?

If a person wearing a mask or other face covering complies with a police officer’s request to remove it, there is no cause for arrest.

32. Why didn’t Sussex Police arrest “March for England” supporters making offensive gestures (eg raising their middle fingers, making Nazi salutes)?

A number of people were arrested for using threatening, abusive, insulting words or behaviour with intent to cause fear of/provoke unlawful violence. Two have subsequently been charged and will appear in court next month. The affiliation of an arrested person is not recorded as part of the custody process.

33. What steps have Sussex Police taken to identify those “March for England” Supporters who made violent threats on twitter in advance of the march?

Investigations are continuing into a number of threats and potential hate crimes and where it is possible to identify the perpetrators, action will be taken. These incidents were not confined to one particular faction.

34. How many police officers were injured on Sunday 21st April 2013?

There were no serious injuries, although one officer was withdrawn from duty after suffering a pulled ligament in his leg.

35. How many other people were injured on Sunday 21st April 2013 in connection with events relating to the March for England?

We do not hold this information conclusively, as we are not responsible for the treatment of patients. We would only be informed if injuries were associated with a crime.

36. Why did Sussex Police declare Operation Wheeler a success?

Sussex Police declared that it was satisfied with the operation. Our absolute priority was public safety, but we also had responsibilities to respond to crime and disorder, and to facilitate peaceful protest. These priorities potentially conflict at some times in protest situations and require careful balancing.

Overall, we believe we delivered an operation that kept the city relatively peaceful and free from serious disorder, despite the very high risks assessed and experience of similar events elsewhere in the country and previously in the city.

The final fascist “March for England” in Brighton

Yesterday various fascist groups mustered their followers with the intention of frightening the good people of Brighton on a sunny St George’s Day. This was their fourth visit to my home town and, arguably, the most disastrous for them so far. Their numbers were few, their march was pathetic, they were massively outnumbered by counter-protesters. Following the fiasco of the 2012 March for England, Sussex Police adopted a different strategy, namely to separate the visiting fascists from the local counter-protesters. As yesterday’s sunny afternoon turned into a chilly evening, the police were congratulating themselves on a successful operation. From a purely policing point of view, it appeared better than last year, when they found themselves overwhelmed by the numbers of anti-fascists, lost control of their plan for the day and even failed to arrest one fascist thug whom they had wrestled to the ground.

However, that superficial analysis breaks down when the facts on the ground are examined more closely. With a helicopter, approximately 700 officers, some mounted, three dozen riot vans and various roads sealed off with large metal barricades which would be the envy of any commercial event, their advance preparation was better organised. They arranged low level barricades, behind the bannister on the sea front, into a chain of pens which were slow and cumbersome to climb over. Presumably the idea was that the anti-fascists could not disrupt the march by bursting through that dead zone. Unfortunately, the police couldn’t easily cross the barrier either. Despite declaring in advance that protesters would not be tolerated outside their various designated zones, when known fascists entered the anti-fascist zones, the police could not enter it to contain them. I witnessed a group of six flag waving fascists at 12:53pm well inside the anti-fascist zone (opposite the Thistle Hotel). Local people called across to the police to remove them but for several minutes the police just stood around as if they were little more than lollipop men. I shouted over a request that they deal with the situation but the response was, “Stop shouting!” After many requests one police officer wandered over to his side of his barricade and asked the fascists to climb over it. Looking somewhat reluctant, he put a foot on the railing and said, “Are you going to climb out or do I have to climb in?” The fascists argued with him. He did not climb in. Two protest liaison officers were eventually seen strolling up towards the illegal immigrants, as if they had all the time in the world. They were escorted away but not, so far as I can tell, arrested.

Sussex Police barriers between the beach and the seafront road on Sunday 21st April 2013

Bad luck if that’s your bicycle

This incident was repeated several times before the fascist march began. On the one occasion I witnessed when the police did climb across their barrier, it looked like a training exercise performed by Dad’s Army. When Sussex Police sat down to plan their day (Operation Wheeler), did they not ask themselves how they would cross their own barrier if they needed to?

Prior to the march beginning, known fascists were allowed to wander freely around town, waving flags and chanting “Eng-ger-land”. This behaviour is indistinguishable from their method of protest on their official march. Therefore, it is fair to call it protesting. Yet they do not seem to have been arrested for it. At 1:12pm two flag waving fascists managed to squeeze through a gap between two of the blue police vans shown above so that they could confront the hundreds of people occupying the roads to the North of the roundabout by the Palace Pier. They were pushed back by mounted officers fairly swiftly. Were they arrested? I don’t know, but Sussex Police should be able to answer that question.

More worryingly, no-one in Sussex Police seems to have thought about any form of public address system. With 150 uncooperative fascists and 3,000 angry locals to deal with, the police left themselves with no method to communicate with large parts of the crowd. Instead they seemed to rely on officers barking orders to whoever was in the mood to listen. At one point I found myself in conversation with several of the local councillors and the MP for Brighton Pavilion, Caroline Lucas, all of whom were were protesting against the fascists. One of them informed me that the police had promised them that they would have a public address system. Why was this promise broken? Surely it could not have been for want of financial resources?

Perhaps that last question should be directed to Katy Bourne, the Conservative Party Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner. She is in charge of allocating the resources for Sussex Police. Every section of Brighton’s political and social community declared its opposition to the fascists, except the Conservative Party. Sadly, the local Tories spent most of 2011 and much of 2012 concentrating their fire power on whipping up hatred against Traveller groups living on the fringes of the city, with the result that they were widely accused of racism. Their silence on this year’s arrival of the blatant racists echoed their failure to comment the year before. The combination of their refusal to condemn racism on our streets, their encouragement of racist attitudes and one of them now running the police is exactly what people most feared when the Police and Crime Commissioner posts were created. With each step, the police look increasingly politicised. Of course there are some sections of society which will never trust the police. The tragedy is that now many of us, who previously were prepared to accept that policing is a complicated job, now distrust the police because of this politicisation. The Tories tell us that operational decisions remain purely in the hands of the Chief Constable but he can no longer be regarded as independent when a politician has the power to fire him and hire someone else. The Tories could easily have condemned the so-called March for England. That they didn’t must have been a deliberate decision. It sits uncomfortably with the kindly manner the police treated the fascists in comparison to the locals.

I arrived at the seafront hours before the march began. The first thing I did was ask a policeman with a camera to photograph me and take a note of my identity. I explained that I done the same thing the year before and that, consequently, the police had been able to safely ignore various unfounded allegations made against me online because they knew that the fascists had identified someone else as me (someone who threw an empty plastic water bottle). This year the policeman I spoke to refused. I was struck by them failing to understand my request. I had to explain it and the reasons for it three times. The officer with the camera told me, “We are only photographing people where a crime is committed or there is a risk to public order.” I suggested that, as with the year before, police time need not be wasted if they photographed me again. This generated a different response, “We’ve got a problem with our batteries and cannot take too many pictures.” Police officers should tell the truth, so it’s fair to presume that this wasn’t some petty lie to get me to go away. That’s another question for Katy Bourne to answer. She can talk to the officer who refused to photograph me because his colleague allowed me to photograph his number instead:

A police officer in Brighton, 21st April 2013

Luckily I didn’t have a battery problem

Later on, another police officer with a camera photographed me when I suggested to the fascists, through my megaphone, that having turned around to march back to the Palace Pier, they were now facing Mecca. Then I played them the Call To Prayer, which they didn’t seem to enjoy but with hundreds of police and their barrier separating us, it couldn’t possibly have been described as a threat to public order.

After the march, the police allowed some fascists to roam around town looking for fights, just like last year. Predictably, there were outbursts of violence around the town well into the evening. Some people blame the violence on Antifa, who were out in strength. However, Antifa only exist to prevent the fascists from taking to the streets. They don’t demonstrate on their own. Had the fascists not been given a licence to demonstrate wherever they wanted, there would have been no trouble. They were even escorted to a bar in West Street to enjoy a drink! The police showed the Antifa activists little mercy and repeatedly attacked them. At one point one of them was wrestled to the ground because he refused to take off a face mask. Yet I saw plenty fascists covering their faces. Again, it is now very hard not to see the police as a politically motivated force, much as they were in the Thatcher years. Further proof of police bias to the far right comes from the fact that Sussex Police paid for at least one coach to bus the fascists to the start of the march. I’ve been on plenty of demonstrations in my time but I never heard of the police sorting out protesters’ travel arrangements before. This is another question for Katy Bourne to address.

On the plus side, Brightonians excelled themselves in their mockery of the fascism. Unsatisfied with screaming abuse, all manner of creative counter-protest dominated the day. The top prize for sheer good humour goes to the new EDL. If you follow that link, you’ll see that it doesn’t go to the racist English Defence League but instead to the English Disco Lovers. Already they are close to their stated aim of being the first result in online searches for the EDL. Their disco danced its way along the seafront all day and proved the value of good humour as a challenge to hatred. After some of the fascists had been bussed out of the town centre by the police, I went off to speak to them. It would be inappropriate to reveal the details of that conversation now but suffice it to say that we can be confident the fascists will not dominate St George’s Day in Brighton next year. 2013 was their final march. Watch this space and the EDL website for more information. The English Disco Lovers appear at 0:53 in this video:

Yesterday should have seen all of Brighton united against fascism. Of course, no-one could have been surprised by the Tories’ attitude but the real shock of the day was seeing the local Labour Party’s official tweeter attempt to make political capital out of the fact that the Green Party administration of the City Council had previously declared itself supportive of the lawful right to protest. Early on in the afternoon, @BHLabour, tweeted, “Businesses closes and residents terrified as @BHGreens proclamation that we are a city of protest brings March for England to our city #labour

Brighton & Hove Labour Party tweet criticising the Green Party as if they welcomed fascists to Brighton. 21st April 2013

Brighton & Hove Labour Party’s official twitter account created division instead of unity

This tweet was met with a storm of protest from all sorts of people, including several prominent Labour Party members and local trades unionists, many of whom could not be described as sympathetic to the Green Party, such as Caroline Penn. Ever since 1936, whenever the fascists have taken to the streets in Britain, everyone else has put their differences aside and united against fascism. Aside from the nonsensical nature of the tweet (the fascists came to Brighton before the Greens won power in the city), much offence was caused by it. Who on earth was on Labour’s Sunday shift on twitter last week? It wasn’t just a single tweet. Here’s another, at 2:26pm.

Brighton & Hove Labour Party tweet, concentrating on division rather than unity against fascism. 21st April 2013

Another divisive tweet from the Brighton & Hove Labour Party

And another, at 3:48pm:

Brighton & Hove Labour Party tweet, concentrating on division rather than unity against fascism. 21st April 2013

Labour insists on division

The decision to allow the march was made purely by Sussex Police. There is no mechanism for a political party to “apply to have march banned.” It wasn’t just three divisive tweets. Here’s another at 4:44pm:

Brighton & Hove Labour Party tweet, concentrating on division rather than unity against fascism. 21st April 2013

Will Labour explain its policy on the law on protest?

Did the Labour Party ask Sussex Police to ban the fascist march? No, they did not. By 7:18pm, the local Labour Party seemed to have come to its senses. It offered this apology:

An apology from Brighton & Hove Labour Party for creating division instead of building unity against fascim. 21st April 2013

Brighton & Hove Labour Party makes first apology

Some people complained that this apology appeared to attempt to shift the blame onto those offended. Seeing the logic of that, Labour offered another apology, at 7:46pm:

False claim that Brighton & Hove Labour Party had removed offending tweet. 21st April 2013

Brighton & Hove Labour Party falsely claimed that it had removed offending tweets

At the time of writing this blog post, the first tweet has been removed but the three subsequent tweets, shown above, which make similar points and cannot be described as in the spirit of unity are still on twitter, for all the world to see. The Brighton & Hove Labour Party has a proud tradition of opposing fascism. It has long been involved in anti-fascist movements and must understand what unity means. Its insistence on abandoning unity against fascism is a very sad development indeed. Recently the local Labour Party suspended one of its local councillors (Anne Meadows). Will it now suspend its twitterers, who have chosen to create division rather than unite against fascism?

The achievements of Katy Bourne (after 100 days)

Infographics are all the rage these days. Some of them eloquently explain complex subject matters in a more accessible form, such as this one on inequalities from The Guardian, some dress up simplistic information so as to make it seem more impressive. Katy Bourne, recently elected as the first Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner, fell into the second category when she decided to list the achievements of her first 100 days in office. Her infographic, below, amply damages the old adage that a picture can be worth a thousand words. In this case it can’t even justify the fewer than 100 words in it.

Katy Bourne, Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner, Infographic, first 100 days

Less than 100 words of information, after 100 days

All Police and Crime Commissioners are obliged by law to produce a Police and Crime Plan. Therefore, Katy Bourne can hardly claim that her fulfilling her basic job description is much of an achievement. Perhaps if she had produced two or three…? Seriously though, it takes a competent reader less than ten minutes to digest her ‘Plan’. It reads like everything else in public life since Blair invented the verbless sentence. Perhaps she discovered the Laughing Bhudda’s mission statement generator? In other words, it says jack shit.

That’s hardly surprising, since she had very little to say before the election. The only departures from bland say nothing politics were in an interview with me, when she claimed that the public in Brighton had a liberal attitude to drugs and that she thought that policing should reflect local needs. Despite being frequently asked about that ~ a wild position for a Sussex Tory ~ she has chosen to ignore all the questions, as if she never said such a thing, yet she hasn’t denied the veracity of the interview either.

Knowing that a Tory was bound to be elected, Sussex Police started the cuts early, so Ms Bourne didn’t have to raise the tax after her election. In exchange, she rehired the existing Chief Constable. That was her big chance to stamp her policy portfolio on the job and she blew it. She tells us that £1,625,000 has been “allocated” across Sussex. That means practically nothing. The money hasn’t been spent. I tried to discover who this money has been allocated to but that information does not appear to be in the public domain. Not much room for scrutiny there then. Without scrutiny, there can be no praise.

Katy Bourne has relentless attended meetings, much as she did before her election. No policy initiatives have emerged from these meetings. During one of them, she told a friend of mine that she had to be addressed as, “Commissioner Bourne“. I’ve been following her political career and this seems to be the only initiative so far: clarifying her proper title. You’d never guess she was a Tory would you?

Most absurdly, she lists the number of followers the official account had on twitter after 100 days. The number is pathetically small. It’s only a couple of hundred more than little old me. By the time of writing, with a bit of self-promotion from her and those who steer her in the Conservative Party Head Office, she’s bumped it up to a couple of thousand. Well done her. Call me churlish but I reckon if you paid me £85,000 a year, I could probably rustle up more followers in the first three months.

She also gives the numbers subscribing to her weekly email newsletter. That’s more a measure of how many press agencies there are in the country than anything else. Neither this nor the twitter follower count have the slightest relevance to policing. The Tories have discovered social media but have not yet discovered what it is for.

Personally, I wouldn’t have bothered with an infographic in these circumstances. If there’s no news, there’s no news. However, she’s the boss of Sussex Police and I am only a humble blogger so rather than moan, I’ve decided to help her out by producing a more honest infographic for her.

Katy Bourne's modified infographic

The real facts and figures

All the election candidates wanted to encourage more people to report crimes of domestic abuse. Katy Bourne chose to do this with a campaign (read, press releases) and a 24 hour tweetathon. Elsewhere, in her official literature is says that, “this activity resulted in a marked increase in the reporting of domestic abuse incidents across the whole Christmas period that the campaign was running.”

Did you see the relevant figures for the marked increase in the official infographic? No, neither did I. That’s because they don’t exist. Apparently, prior to the campaign, Sussex Police received about 40 such complaints per day. Possibly that figure might normally be higher during the Christmas period when any lawyer will tell you, the sudden assembling of families leads to much more conflict (there is an surge in fork stabbings, for example). Presumably, calling the increase “marked” is more dramatic than giving the actual figures. I’ve asked Katy Bourne for the figures. If she doesn’t provide them, I’ll stick in a Freedom of Information Act request. Then we’ll see what she means by “marked“.

Update paragraph: 4th March 2013 (same day as original post): Ms Bourne pointed me to two web pages, which were not linked to from the blurb about her first 100 days. Here is the first page and here is the second page. These pages make it clear that reports of domestic abuse rose by more than 50% during the tweetathon. Many bloggers would just delete the paragraph above but I prefer to leave in situ. It looks like I was wrong, doesn’t it? Unfortunately, the picture isn’t quite as clear as all that. The increase only relates to a short period of time. It is possible that what might have got reported at other times, got squeezed into the tweetathon period. We won’t know one way or another, until we see the figures for the whole year. It’s also worth highlighting that the figures related to what was reported rather than what the police saw fit to record as crimes. However, I got my facts wrong. For example, the police receive an average of 55 calls about domestic abuse each year, not 40 as I said above. Why didn’t Mr Bourne include this success in her infographic?

She also reports that she has, on eleven occasions gone to work at seven in the morning and has, on an unknown number of occasions, been at work until three in the morning. Credit where credit is due. Not many Tories know what a full day’s work is.

In conclusion, Ms Bourne says, “These first 100 days have been a whirlwind of activity and so much has been achieved.” Shame she couldn’t tell us what.

Greens win cross-party support for 20mph speed limit in Brighton & Hove

Yesterday, Brighton & Hove City Council’s transport committee decided to change the speed limit across most of the city to 20mph. This plan was championed by the local Green Party, which controls the council administration, although it does not have a majority of the seats. It will improve the city’s air quality and road safety. In particular, cycling will become significantly safer as a result. It is hoped that more people will be persuaded to take up cycling around the city.

The biggest lobby against the change were the local taxi drivers, who argued that they would face increased risk of violence from passengers late at night because they were travelling more slowly than before. This has to be one of the weakest political arguments ever made. Almost every time I’ve got a taxi in Brighton, the driver has broken the speed limit wherever that has been convenient. Whilst no-one has advocated a special exemption for taxis, it is a bit rich to hear them claiming they will observe limits all of a sudden. Sure, they will drive more slowly. All they have to do is inform their passengers that the speed limit is 20mph and that all political parties voted for the change (I discuss the politics further down this post.). Then they can have a good whinge about it.

Whinging seems to be the local drivers stock in trade, though you never hear them moan about their recent request to increase the number of taxi licences in the city and increase their fares. Normally, when supply increases the price comes down. Despite trading in a medieval style market economy, far too many of them complain about the politics of our modern city. I travel by taxi fairly frequently. Over the years, whenever my driver starts slagging off the local council, I ask them who they vote for. The majority say they do not vote. “Your opinion is irrelevant then“, I tell them. That’s how it is. If you vote or at least spoil your ballot, you can complain. Not voting is antisocial.

Having myself fought over 800 road traffic accident trials, when I practised as a barrister, I have particular expertise in this field. The fact is that most people seem to think that they are entitled to drive at the speed limit whenever they can. That is legal nonsense. You have to travel at the speed which is appropriate for the circumstances. Around the city, that means mostly you have to drive more slowly. Hurtling around the leafy suburbs of Hove at anything approaching 30mph is not safe. Driving down any of Brighton’s residential hills lined with parked cars is similarly dangerous because if a child steps out from between those cars, you will seriously injure them. Time and again an angry driver whom I’ve cross-examined has told me, “I had the right of way!” Since when did having the right of way allow you to drive like a nutter? In my view, there’s something about the way cars have combined with our culture that creates bad characters behind the wheel. All sorts of perfectly decent folk drive very badly indeed and they don’t even know they’re doing it. Decades of road safety campaigns has failed to stop people from driving right up against the limit whenever they can. As for the number of people who believe that ABS helps them brake quicker, don’t even get me started… 

Curiously, the best driver I have ever travelled with was an ex-rally driver. He’d passed the advanced driver test. His experience with a car had trained him into being an extraordinarily safe driver. I lived on a remote farmstead with him in mid-Wales for a while. After that, I noticed that everyone else lacked his acute judgement. No other driver had his sense of spatial awareness or social awareness.

The local politics around this decision is even more curious. When the Greens first proposed the new limit, the Tories said that they would oppose it, if it harmed local business. At yesterday’s meeting, three Conservative councillors sat on the committee. Two of them ~ Tony Janio & Geoffrey Theobald ~ did not vote for the new limit, despite both representing outlying areas of the city where people frequently drive too fast. A third Conservative councillor ~ Graham Cox ~ voted in favour. Mr Cox used to be a copper. Perhaps his decision was informed by his knowledge of the real road traffic issues? The split vote by the Tories suggests that they had not reached any conclusion as to whether local business would be harmed.

The new Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner told me in an interview that she thought there needed to be evidence that a localised rule about a lower speed limit was required before it would be enforced. (4th paragraph at that link.) I had been asking her about police priorities, prior to her winning the election. That sounds worryingly close to her thinking that it is acceptable for the police to override the democratically expressed wishes of the people affected. She should now unequivocally state that the police will enforce the new limit. Otherwise, she risks a breakdown in trust between the citizens of Brighton & Hove and Sussex Police. Ms Bourne is a member of the Conservative Party.

From the Tory committee members’ split vote, you’d think that they weren’t greatly concerned by the plan. Yet collectively they proposed an amendment to defer it indefinitely. If they didn’t want it, why didn’t they all vote against it?

The local Labour Party’s policy on this issue has been muddled from start to finish. Initially, they misrepresented a statement by Sussex Police as a declaration that the new limit would not be enforced. In fact, Sussex Police had merely responded to enquiries by saying that it was a matter for the local council, which it is, of course. At the time, I contacted Sussex Police to ask whether Labour was right to say that the police would not enforce the new limit. They replied to say that they would.

At the committee, the Labour councillors proposed an amendment to remove a large number of roads from the new limits. Bizarrely, the roads that they wanted removed included North Street, which already has a 20mph limit. Since North Street is right at the heart of the city, this request cannot be explained away as a minor mistake. The Labour amendment was defeated. In the final vote, Labour councillors Gill Mitchell and Alan Robins voted in favour of the plan. Presumably, they changed their minds during the course of the committee meeting? How else can their policy gymnastics be explained?

The final vote was eight in favour (all the Green committee members voted for it), none against and two abstentions. The new speed limit will start to come into force this April and will be phased in completely within four years. Since no-one voted against it, we can assume that both Labour and the Conservatives will not campaign against it in future. The police will have to enforce it, regardless of what Katy Bourne thinks.

Winner of Sussex Police & Crime Commissioner Election sweepstake

The winner of my sweepstake for the turnout in the Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner elections was @greenhousedani, with a bet that only 16% of Sussex would vote. The official turnout was declared at 15.82%. Congratulations to her! She wins a guest post on this blog.

23 bets were placed in total, covering every percentage point between 6% and 27%. In the week before the election, some pundits predicted a turnout of 30% on the basis that roughly a third of all voters always voted. Not any more, it seems. The much respected Electoral Reform Society has been particularly scathing about the reasons for the low turnout in this virgin electoral process, by producing the “Home Office’s 5 point plan on to drive turnout into the ground”. This election has the unfortunate record of being the least successful election since women got the vote. All day yesterday, reports of unusually low levels of activity emerged from around the country. Two polling stations in Staffordshire didn’t see a single voter, accordimg to an anonymous police tweeter.

Many of us Green activists were minded to spoil our ballots, in protest at the whole concept behind the election (politicising policing) and at the chaotic manner in which the process was organised. For an entirely new layer of democratic involvement, there needed to be a massive publicity campaign. Instead we got a few TV adverts and some bus stop posters, making the absurd claim that violent criminals would change their behaviour if people went out and voted. Who procured this advertising campaign? Whoever it was, they should be sacked immediately! We’ve known for a long time that negative campaigning does little more than turn voters away from the polling stations but this strategy was founded on obvious nonsense. Here are the first round results:

  1. Katy Bourne, Conservative: 59,635 votes
  2. Godfrey Daniel, Labour: 40,765 votes
  3. Ian Chisnall, Independent: 38,930 votes
  4. Tony Armstrong, UKIP: 29,327 votes
  5. David Rogers, Liberal Democrat: 20,579 votes
  6. Spoil Ballots: 5,982
Proportions of votes cast in Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner elections 2012

Proportions of votes cast in Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner elections 2012

When the official percentages are calculated, spoilt ballots, although counted, are not included. In fact, the spoilt ballots account for 3% of the votes cast.

This is the result after the first votes are counted. The supplemental vote system means that there can be a second round of votes to count. Since no candidate got more than 50% of the vote, the second round votes will be counted. This means the second round votes on ballot papers cast in the first round for the top two candidates will be counted and then we’ll have a winner. At the time of writing, it seems very likely that Katy Bourne, the Conservative Party candidate will win. On the first round, she got 30% of the votes cast, including the spoilt ballots. On a turnout of 15.82%, that means that she has won the support of 4.8% of the people of Sussex. Clearly, the people of Sussex are not the winners here.

Whatever the idea behind introducing direct elections to run this crucial public service was, it has now been lost in this fiasco. Previously, we knew that the police were politically independent. Now we know that they will be managed according to political persuasions. In the case of Sussex, assuming that Ms Bourne wins after the second round of votes have been counted, the police will be managed by someone who persuaded less than one in twenty voters that she was the right woman for the job. That translates into a real risk that we are no longer policed by consent.

At the last general election, the Liberal Democrats stormed into Parliament with an unusually high vote, compared to their usual levels of support. Their election campaign appealed to great swathes of voters who would not normally support them, notably students. They drew down that huge extra constituency and used it to win a place at the governmental table. Then they pissed it all over the wall by voting for policies which those extra voters had expected them to reject. Tuition fees was the most obvious example. Whether their behaviour broke the social contract between politicians and the voters must remain a matter of debate for political historians. It seems certain that they will not win back so much trust for at least a generation. In today’s counts around the country, they seem to have come last everywhere.

In this election, the government has introduced an entirely new idea to British politics. Traditionally, we elected politicians to run public services. The idea behind this election is that we would bypass those we normally expect to perform this job in respect of the police and elect a new layer of management directly. In other words, the usual contract between governed and governors was made more complicated. There was no need for this to happen. None whatsoever. Presumably, a number of Liberal Democrats are today scratching their heads and wondering what happened to their dreams of constitutional reform. Some legacy huh?

The logic of the argument is that we should directly elect all public service managers. Today, no-one is calling for direct elections to run our schools, hospitals, fire services or anything else. Most candidates spoke up against the new system and, it seems, so did most of the public. Each of the 41 winners around the country will pocket nearly £85,000 per year. They had better spend it wisely because this is likely to become the shortest lived political post in the history of democracy.

Sussex Police’s strategy for Lewes Bonfire was either incompetent or antisocial

As everyone knows, our bonfire traditions in Lewes stretch back nearly half a millenia. Having exhausted myself performing my own duties in them yesterday, as Master of Ceremonies and Archbishop of Southover Bonfire Society, I have insufficient energy left for a proper analysis of everything that they managed to cock up last night. I’ve always said that policing is a complicated job but the police approach to our cultural heritage last night lost the plot. For now, suffice it to say, that many of us bonfire boys and belles are questioning whether there is any longer any point in engaging with the police prior to the Fifth next year?

This year there were extensive negotiations over the last few weeks. Although I certainly cannot speak on behalf of my society in an official sense (I am not on its committee), it seems clear that we stuck to our side of the bargain struck but Sussex Police officers carried on as if we were the enemy. I will be returning to this subject again, in detail, later on.

Right now, in the name of conciliation, I would like to see Sussex Police issue an official apology for allowing its officers to break the operational agreements. Their attitude and their actions have generated, completely unnecessarily, considerable and unprecedented, in modernity at least, bad feeling.

The police are an expensive public service with a clearly organised command structure. Therefore, the problems they caused are the fault of those at the top. In nine days there will be an unwanted election for a politician to run the police. Is it possible that Sussex Police do not want a political leader and have chosen our event to pick a fight with several thousand of the most active citizens in the county town, so as to make the incoming politician face a really nasty challenge in their first year of office? This and a dozen other serious issues have arisen from last night.

For now, I’ll restrict myself to explaining one incident which I witnessed myself. We were forming up before the United Grand procession. Each society had four liaison officers. Their job description is unknown to me but I imagine that it was similar to all other police liaison officers. The clue is in the job title. Surely I don’t need to explain what that means? Communication with each society seems to be the key role. I was standing here:

Behind me one of my brother monks lit some Chinese Crackers. Officer CT58, who was wearing a high visibility yellow jacket, marked with a sign which said, “BOROUGH”, was standing on the opposite pavement on the other side of the traffic island. I know because I noticed the way in which he turned around and marched purposively towards me and my brother monks. Politely, he asked the monk behind me to hand over his remaining crackers. To timestamp the moment, I tweeted something about it. It was 8:03pm.

My brother monk complied but protested, rightly, that we had a firm agreement with Sussex Police that Chinese Crackers would be allowed in the light of the rookie drop down ban on the High Street. I too left my place in the ranks to witness the entire exchange. Officer CT58 responded to my brother monk that, “Why would you light bangers directly in front of a police officer? That’s bound to attract my attention.” That statement is a self-serving lie. As I’ve explained, the Cracker was not lit directly in front of this or any other officer. In fact, this officer isn’t even supposed to dealing with our society but another one, which he abandoned in order to wade into business which was not his. He sought confrontation. I hope my society makes a specific complaint about him. I am ready to be a witness.

Calling everything which goes bang, a ‘banger’ betrays a complete lack of awareness of the main issues which were the subject of the extensive communications between the bonfire societies and the police prior to bonfire. Of course, people from outside of Sussex and Kent, who do not share our particular traditions, may find my insistence on the correct terminology somewhat pedantic. However, everyone in Lewes understands the importance of knowing what is what, especially in the context of last year’s injury surge and this year’s ban on the blue rookies.

Soon, another brother monk joined us and showed Officer CT58 a red rookie, thus easily demonstrating the very obviously physically different nature between a red rookie and a Chinese Cracker. Even a child of five would have been able to understand these were different types of fireworks. Given that there was a firm agreement in place allowing Chinese Crackers, we are left asking whether the police did anything at all to educate their officers as to the differences between various types of fireworks? Such training need only take five minutes. CT58 seemed unable or unwilling to understand the distinction being made to him, or the significance of it. He was joined by another officer. Our Commander in Chief stepped into the conversation. A number of others drew near. As if in recognition that he had created an incident, Officer CT58 insisted that he had been right to seize the Crackers and said to the other officer, who seemed less sure of his decision, “Look, there’s more and more of them around us now, there’s no need to turn this into an incident.” Those are the words of a man who deliberately started an incident and didn’t like the consequences. His was a highly provocative action. Luckily his colleague appeared to have a calming influence on him. Whether his colleague was a more senior officer I do not know. Both sides parted, with the Crackers still stolen from my brother monk. Here officer CT58, holding onto the seized crackers, which he put into a plastic bag. What does Sussex Police have to say about the behaviour of Officer CT58?

Officer CT58 breaking the agreed rules of Lewes Bonfire, 8:03pm, 5th November 2012

Officer CT58 breaking the agreed rules of Lewes Bonfire, 8:03pm, 5th November 2012. My brother monk’s face has been obscured in the best traditions of bonfire.

Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner election turnout sweepstake

Sussex candidate interviews

Yesterday I published my final interview with a candidate for the Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner elections. None of them win my vote. Godfrey Daniel (Labour) might have done, had he not been so hostile to Lewes Bonfire and failed to demonstrate any grasp over the safety issues involved, as you might expect someone who had served on Sussex Police Authority for many year to manage. Katy Bourne (Conservative) cannot get my vote because she wants to be a thieving Tory bastard. Also she seemed hopelessly ill-equipped to deal with issues which she hadn’t previously thought about, with the result that she claimed she would promote a different enforcement regime against illegal drugs in Brighton & Hove, compared with the rest of Sussex. Perhaps she can’t really manage politics without a clear steer from her party bosses? There is a Liberal Democrat candidate but since he only stood at the last moment and his party supports Tory policy in everything on our national stage, I’m regarding him as a paper candidate and not worthy of an interview. Yesterday, I published an interview with Tony Armstrong (UKIP) who made a blatantly racist remark during our conversation, repeated it on twitter afterwards. Briefly, he told me that “if you’re black, you’re more likely to commit crime.” I asked Sussex Police whether they agreed with this view? Initially they said Home Office Rules prevented them from commenting on any candidates’ statements. I asked the question again, whether they agreed with that view but omitting to mention the candidate who made the remark. They replied with a very clear “No…” and went on to link to their equalities policy. My first interviewee was Ian Chisnall (Evangelical Christian but you won’t find that anywhere in his campaign literature). He fouled up his interview so badly that he has become the proverbial laughing stock. Afterwards he appeared to take issue with what I had published so I asked him, via twitter, whether he thought I had misquoted him? He backed off from making any such claim, saying he was too busy to continue with the argument.

Spoil your ballot paper with the word POOP

All spoilt ballots are counted in every election in the UK and their tally is announced along with the votes cast for the candidates. There is no enthusiasm for this election. All the candidates I have interviewed have indicated that they do not think the new arrangements are a good way to run the police. With the exception of Katy Bourne, they appeared to prefer to current system. There’s been virtually no public money spent on publicising the elections. Hardly anyone is aware of it. Turnout is likely to be very low indeed. If there isn’t a candidate that you can vote for, you can spoil your ballot paper. All the candidates will watch the votes being counted. If they see lots of spoilt ballot papers, they will report that to their political allies (or, in the case of Ian Chisnall, to his religious allies). If there are lots of spoilt ballots with the same word written on it, this will be a clearer message. After she’s won Katy Bourne can report this to her colleagues in government. Here in Brighton & Hove there is an ongoing debate as to which word to spoil the ballot papers with but no consensus has yet developed. Since all of us in that conversation want ‘Politics Out Of Policing’, I propose that we spoil our ballot papers with the word POOP. That ought to get the message across. We’re not apathetic, we just don’t want this election, these candidates or the monumental waste of money that is involved in adding an unnecessary new level of management on the police. Spread the word. The word is #POOP.

SussexPCC elections turnout sweepstake.

I’ve begun a sweepstake on twitter to predict what the turnout in this unpopular election will be. The prize is a guest entry on this blog. There’s room for 101 guesses, one for each percentage point in turnout and one in the unlikely scenario where no-one votes. The actual percentage will be rounded to the nearest whole per cent to find the winning result. Here’s the bets so far. I’ll update this list as and when more people join in. Please tweet your percentage bet with the hastag #SussexPCCPoop. Alternatively, you can place your bet in a comment on this post.

0% Available
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6% Matthew Taylor
7% @kingofhovev2
8% @commuterist
9% @totallychappers
10% @theonlydoggle
11% @KarenGardham
12% @SvenRufus
13% @jastilley
14% @Scuff1
15% @Wildy412
16% @greenhousedani
17% @SZeitblom
18% @Trevorius
19% @rogerchisnall
20% ‏@ScrapperDuncan
21% @alburyj
22% @TCBarrett
23% @thecaptainblack
24% Ben Duncan
25% @lordrottenboro
26% @Gideons_Way
27% @FabFingertips1
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Tony Armstrong, UKIP’s Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner candidate is racist

Yesterday, I concluded my interviews with the main candidates in the forthcoming elections for Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner, by questioning the UKIP candidate, Tony Armstrong. Having already interviewed the evangelical Ian Chisnall (plus my post confirming Chisnall doesn’t disagree with the published version of the interview), the Conservative Katy Bourne and the Labour candidate, Godfrey Daniel, I don’t mind admitting that I was strongly tempted to cancel the interview and instead go to a Brighton Photo Biennial talk by some Urban Explorers in the Caroline of Brunswick pub instead. The trouble was, he had asked me to interview him so very nicely. That’s me being ironic. Making an arrangement to interview Mr Armstrong was a real palaver.

First I tweeted him an offer of an interview. He replied in a comment on one of my blog posts, suggesting that I telephone him and leaving a number. I asked him again to contact me via twitter. He replied with another comment, asking me to email him but warning, “I cannot guarantee that the email will work, as I have to set up this end, and every time I start I get diverted to something else…” I replied again, asking him to contact me via twitter. A week ago I woke up to discover that he had tweeted me, at 3:36 in the morning! Here’s his tweet:

UKIP Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner candidate Tony Armstrong reads rival interviews in the middle of the night

UKIP Sussex Police and Crime Commissioner candidate Tony Armstrong reads rival interviews in the middle of the night. Click to enlarge.

I replied immediately, asking him to make the arrangements via twitter’s private direct messaging system. Here’s my reply and his reply to that:

UKIP candidate Tony Armstrong doesn't know how to use twitter

Tony Armstrong doesn’t know how to use twitter (or grammar). Click to enlarge.

Of course everyone cuts corners when faced with twitter’s 140 character constraint but Mr Armstrong hasn’t got anywhere near that territory with this truncated message. Despite me asking him once for an interview via twitter, twice via my blog with requests that he use twitter to contact me, and now a fourth time on twitter itself again, he still wants to telephone me. Is this a man who can fit in with modern communication systems? Is this a man who would prefer all communications to be unrecorded? What’s his problem with twitter? Why doesn’t he just sort himself out and then reply as requested? Whatever it is, he clearly cannot manage to use the network without help. The exchange continued, with me unfortunately losing a grip on my own grammar, at the point of sheer exasperation with this fellow’s basic incompetence:

UKIP candidate asks for help with the internet

Scrapper Duncan deploys lmgtfy.com – click to enlarge.

I very rarely deploy Let Me Google That For You. It performs the bluntest of hints. Normally, its deployment is sufficient to warn off the requester from making further contact. If you haven’t seen it in action before, here’s it answering the question asked by Tony Armstrong. Before he got that last tweet, he sent me another public tweet. If you don’t tweet yourself, it’s worth knowing that every single one of the tweets so far could be read by the entire online world, whether or not the reader has a twitter account. It is difficult to think of a more public medium. Nevertheless, Mr Armstrong chipped back in with the incredibly misinformed:

UKIP candidate muddles up public with private

Tony Armstrong asks if the most public space in the world is private? Click to enlarge.

At this point I should have withdrawn the interview request. Being this unable to work out the basics of digital communication must surely act as a bar to being taken seriously as a candidate for such an important job as running all of Sussex Police? So there I am, yesterday evening, sitting in my usual seat by the fireplace in the Battle of Trafalgar pub, Guildford Road, Brighton and who should rush in, looking flustered and somewhat out of breath? Yes, Mr Armstrong. To be fair, he was on time. He said he had driven to Brighton for the interview but hadn’t realised how to navigate the one way system to the pub (I guess he doesn’t have SatNav?) and then (of course) had to negotiate the tricky business of finding somewhere to park. He told me that lives in Burgess Hill. Why didn’t he just travel down by train? He screwed up his eyes at that suggestion, as if I was asking him why didn’t he move to the moon? The pub we were in is less than a two minute walk from Brighton station. He could easily have parked near Burgess Hill station, caught the train directly to Brighton and walked to the pub. That would have been by far and away the easiest way to travel to meet me.

Once he had a pint of coke in his hand and was settled in a chair opposite, I started the interview. Before meeting him, I’d looked over his own statement of policies and UKIP’s Manifesto for these elections. Lest they get changed from how they were presented to me, here they are. First up is Mr Armstrong’s declared policies:

Tony Armstrong's policies

Tony Armstrong’s policies, as of 24th October 2012. Click to enlarge.

To summarise them, he wants value for money, no cuts in front line policing, evidence based preventative measures, targeting known prolific criminals, increased Neighbourhood Policing Teams, increased Special Constables and Police volunteers and greater deployment of Road Policing Officers. In other words, there’s no real difference between what he wants and what all the other candidates want. His actual list of policies is numbered but not in any coherent manner. For example, paragraph 5 adds nothing of substance and is, therefore, little more than padding. Now, let’s look at UKIP’s Manifesto for these elections. It’s a bit more wordy but I’m posting an image of their relevant web page as of the date of the interview, lest they change it too:

UKIP's Manifesto for the Police and Crime Commissioner elections 2012

UKIP’s Manifesto for the Police and Crime Commissioner elections 2012, as of 24th October 2012. Click to enlarge.

Now, call me old fashioned but I can’t see the point of an interview which simply repeats huge chunks of already published election material. Yet that seemed to be precisely what Mr Armstrong wanted to do. Despite his initial claim that he had only “skim read” his own party’s manifesto, the answers he gave to my questions were peppered with phrases directly lifted from either of the web pages above, as if he had read it over and over again and, whether accidentally or deliberately, memorised them. Several times, I stepped in to remind him that he was simply repeating what I had read online only a few hours before.

On Mr Armstrong’s own website (in his Q&A page), it says, “… before I became the official UKIP candidate, I made no secret that if UKIP policies clashed with what was best for Sussex, I would do what was best for Sussex. I repeated the same promise from the stage at my first public meeting at Lancing on 11th October, in the presence of the Leader of UKIP, Nigel Farage.” With this statement in mind I asked him if he agreed with all of UKIP’s manifesto? “I’ve only skim read it.” Later on he told me that it was only published five days earlier, after he had been declared as a UKIP candidate. He was keen to claim that he “wasn’t a politician” but did conceded that since he was an official representative of a political party that did make him a politician. He said a career politician was “someone who had spent their life in politics” and cited one of his rivals, Godfrey Daniel, the Labour candidate as an example of that. He went on, “I don’t want to be thought of as a politician.

I pressed him, was there any part of the UKIP manifesto which disagreed with? “No.” With that agreement established, my questions followed the statements in UKIP’s manifesto. It’s worth noting that this is their manifesto specifically tailored these elections for Police and Crime Commissioner. UKIP’s manifesto says it believes “in sentences that mean what they say” but Mr Armstrong accepted that the police had no power over criminal sentencing whatsoever. The manifesto says Mr Armstrong wants “More Police Officers on our streets” but when I asked him how many more police officers he would recruit, he couldn’t give a precise answer. It says Mr Armstrong wants “More Special Constables…“, so I asked him how many more would he recruit? “It depends…” On what did it depend? “On how many volunteer and are suitable.” How much did each one cost? “I don’t know.” How much would it cost to recruit them? “I’ll deal with that later. We’ll recruit them first and work out the budget after.” Really? Surely he would have to work out the budget before he could recruit anyone? “No, the recruitment will be before the budgeting decision.” I wanted to ask whether he thought there was a single organisation in the world that could operate on that basis but, for some reason I didn’t. Perhaps it was because he volunteered some more information: “I have no background in finance.” Didn’t the elected Police and Crime Commissioner need to understand finance? “No, I can hire people in to deal with that.” How much money would he spend on hiring in people who would do his job for him? “Dealing with financial stuff is not part of the job.” Didn’t the job include making decisions about the allocation of resources? “Yes.” Wasn’t any decision about how to allocate resources, a financial decision? “Yes but there will be a team to help me.” What was the cost of hiring the team he needed to help him perform this aspect of the job? “I don’t know but I will get whatever needs to be done.” He collected himself and said that the “existing team” would probably do most of the work but if they “couldn’t function” he would hire new people to help him.

How many more police stations would there be? “I don’t know.” Where would they be created? “I can’t give you a precise answer.”

In direct contradiction to his party’s manifesto, he accepted that the police did not have the power to “Axe the Crown Prosecution Service and return to police prosecutions“, could not “Build the prisons…” and had no function of law making (the manifesto says UKIP’s candidates want “More severe penalties for serial re-offenders“). These three claims alone destroy the idea that UKIP has got the slightest grip on the point of these elections. Who wrote this crap? What’s the point of claiming to the public that your candidate will be “dedicated to” these objectives, if you have no power whatsoever to make any progress on any of them?

The manifesto also says that UKIP wants, “More rehabilitation to turn offenders away from crime.” This is possible under the remit of the Police and Crime Commissioner because s/he will be able to allocate resources towards rehabilitation schemes. If they wanted to, they could use their funds to help start entirely new rehabilitation schemes, either in partnership with other community organisations or without them. I slipped my question about this in with my questions about the three manifesto claims above: did he agree that the police had no power to create rehabilitation schemes? “We can help with them but we can’t create them.” Here’s a fellow who has realised that he has contradicted the manifesto he wants to support, an interviewee who has realised that several questions in a row have only one logical answer and a careless listener. Either he doesn’t know what the powers of the Police and Crime Commissioner will be or he found it difficult to concentrate when being asked questions in quick succession and leapt at the easy answers, the ones that agreed with an apparently well informed interviewer. Here’s a man who will be easy meat for a Chief Constable.

Crucially, Mr Armstrong accepted that he would be obliged to follow the judgments from the European Court of Human Rights. He wasn’t keen on that question at all. I had to press him three times for a clear answer on that.

UKIP’s manifesto says it wants to, “Focus the Police on solving serious crimes, rather than concentrating on thought crime, political/diversity issues, gathering statistics and ‘soft targets’. For instance, speed cameras should be sited only where the community wants them – not where they’ll make the most money..” There’s a lot going on in that paragraph, so I broke the questions down. How much ‘thought crime’ was committed in Sussex? “Who knows?” Fair enough, it’s a good answer. Not exactly on message with his party manifesto though. “What does it mean?” I reminded him that it had come from his manifesto and suggested that since it was me who was interviewing him, he should tell me what it meant? “No idea. I would like to know what they mean by that. It’s not my turf.” Then he suggested that it could perhaps include “that B&B couple“. Was he talking about the Christian B&B owners who had turned away a gay couple? “Yes.” Didn’t he realise that whatever they were accused of, it was an action and not a thought? “Yes.” Surely he knew that they had not been prosecuted as criminals but had been subject to a claim made by way of civil litigation, which had nothing to do with crime? “What’s the difference?” Didn’t he know that many court actions were civil matters resolving disputes between citizens who had not been involved in any crime? “Yes, I see what you mean.

Did he agree that gathering statistics could help prevent racist behaviour by the police? “No, it’s a waste of time. If it shows an imbalance, then the problem has already occurred.” Didn’t he think that being able to audit such imbalances would act as a deterrent to certain police officers who tended to pick on members of ethnic minorities? “No.” He went to speak fondly of the “good old days“, when he said police officers could be expected to be “fair by everyone“. When I pointed out that we had since discovered all manner of police malpractice back in the days when nothing was monitored he simply shrugged his shoulders and insisted that they were all upstanding people who tried to do the right thing. I wondered whether this character paid any attention to the news at all? He joined the police in the 1960s. There have been so many instances of misbehaviour, malicious prosecutions and cover ups since then it is difficult to know when to start and where to end a list of them. An exercise like that wouldn’t just require a whole post, it would need a whole blog! Mr Armstrong told me that he didn’t want the police gathering statistical data because “that could be done by civilian staff back at the station“. Okay, I said, I’m out late at night and a couple of coppers stop me, question me, then rough me up a little but they don’t arrest me; didn’t that mean that I would never get entered in any data gathering exercise under his way of doing things? “No, erm… I think I have muddled up the words ‘gather’ and ‘collate’.” Nice try, I thought. I’ll ask again. Did he agree that gathering statistics could help prevent racist behaviour by the police, because it could prove that certain types of people were being disroportionately targeted? His answer was shocking: “there is a school of thought that if you’re black, you’re more likely to commit crime.” Really? What’s the evidence for that? “That’s why more black people get arrested in Brixton.

There is a school of thought which thinks that ~ it’s called racism. There really isn’t any other way of dressing this up. There’s no evidence whatsoever that people of any one ethnicity are more likely to commit crime than any other. This so-called ‘school of thought’ is a bigoted opinion based on fear and hatred but not on facts. This wasn’t a chat down the pub with one of his friends. This was him being interviewed by me in the full knowledge that I would publish what he said. Why would he mention this? Does he subscribe to this racist belief? If he doesn’t, what on earth was the point of introducing it into the conversation? In the context of the questions being asked, he appears to be using it as a defence to UKIP’s policy against gathering statistics. He’s saying that there’s no need to gather statistics to monitor how the police treat ethnic minorities, because ‘black people commit more crimes anyway’.

This is an outrageous statement. Mr Armstrong has been a member of UKIP since 2006. He’s met Nigel Farage, appeared on a platform with him and has declared that he completely agrees with their manifesto. At his first opportunity in this interview to distinguish his party from other, less savoury racist organisations, he jumps straight in with both feet and stamps on his chance. Does Mr Farage also think black people commit more crimes? Doubtless someone will ask him shortly.

I pointed out that speed cameras tend to be set up by local authorities. Didn’t that mean that UKIP’s claim that they should only be sited where the community wanted them put was already met, since the local authority was democratically elected? “I don’t know whether they are a police decision or not.” The manifesto declared that there would be, “No soft treatment of Police misdemeanours.” What was the most common police misdemeanour in Sussex? “No idea.” What sort of police misdemeanours did he have experience of? “I don’t know. None.” This was his party’s manifesto. The claim had to be based on something. He’d been a serving police officer for many years. Couldn’t he give an example of a police misdemeanour? “Lying was probably amongst the most common.” Great. Here’s an ex-police officer, whose eyes glaze over with a warm and rosy look when he recalls ‘the good old days’, when the police were not properly monitored and committed all sorts of outrages (from the Birmingham Six to the Hillsborough Ninety-Six and countless cases in between), who readily tells the public that lying is likely to be the most common fault in the force.

Towards the end of the interview, Mr Armstrong was keen to distance himself from the UKIP manifesto. “I’m not committing myself to anything,” he said and repeated that he had only read the manifesto in a hurry. It took me five minutes to read. I am a fast reader. Perhaps it took him ten. Perhaps fifteen. “I have no specific policies.” That’s an odd claim to make, considering he has been widely advertising his own website, which contains the page entitled “POLICIES.” Yet again he tried to insist that he had strongly considered being an independent candidate. He told me that originally his website contained a sentence explaining a now abandoned desire to be an independent candidate but he had been asked to remove it. By whom? “The powers that be.” Which powers were those? “UKIP.” Why had they told him to remove it? “Probably to achieve conformity with the other UKIP candidates.

He had some definite plans for Burgess Hill, where he lives. He wants to increase the work done by Road Police Officers. He used to be one of those. Here’s a man whose political vision is limited by his own experience. He doesn’t appear to grasp even the basics of political dialogue. “You do ask a lot of questions!” Yes, I said, this is what happens in a political interview. The interviewer asks questions. Did he agree that UKIP’s project intended to frustrate the Tories from winning some seats and thereby wring from them a concession over Europe which would be more carved in stone and written in blood? “No. UKIP’s project is to win power, to win freedom from European shackles.

At the very end of the interview, I threw in a quick question which was specifically designed to give him an opportunity to say that he needed more information. I asked him about his view of funding research into surveillance inside Jabber OTR channels. Instead of asking what Jabber was, he waffled a little about how important proper investigations were. What was Jabber? “I don’t know.” What was the question I just asked you? “I don’t know.” I gave a brief explanation and then he suddenly “did know“. Grinning, he told me that he had access to “secret knowledge“. What sort of ‘secret knowledge’? “I can’t tell you what secret knowledge I have or might have.” I’ve spent a lot of time in my previous career questioning people. Some of those people were liars. Others were merely bullshitters and, if I’m honest, the vast majority were just confused. This last stab at something special left Mr Armstrong looking like a liar. Whether he’s a liar or a bullshitter I cannot tell but he’s definitely racist.

Review of Hastings Bonfire

image

The main clue to understanding how Bonfire is celebrated, according to ancient tradition in Sussex and Kent, is in the title: bonfire. Not bon-plastic-glow-in-the-dark-stick. Doesn’t have quite the same ring to it eh? Yet, for most of the Hastings Bonfire procession last night, fire was conspicuously absent and the public made up the difference with those hideous tubes instead. Normally us bonfire boys and belles carry flaming torches through town streets and country lanes. Of course, there’s much much more to bonfire than that but the flaming torches are a staple. My society will be producing over 7,000 for the 5th, to share out with our visiting societies. I overheard someone say that Hastings had produced just over a thousand. Perhaps there was some kind of rule against torches in Hastings old town? There is a fair amount of wood in their old buildings. Lewes is much the same though and there is no similar ban there. On balance, it doesn’t look like there was a rule against more torches.

I’m informed that there are only ten coppers in Hastings on an average night. That’s according to a security guard who pointed me to a public toilet. The half dozen police I asked, including one  senior officer, had no idea where they were. “We’re all drafted in from outside,” one said. Another was more forthcoming, “Just piss anywhere, the whole town is a toilet anyway.” Nice.

I’m writing this review in my society bus on the way back to Lewes at the end of the night. There seems to be since doubt whether we will return to Hastings for one of our official outmeetings. The general consensus – I must emphasise that I do not speak for my society – seems to be that the organisational set up was shambolic. To end this negative summary, the few torches we were given did not work. They either didn’t light at all or their heads fell off. Personally,  I’m unfazed by having a burning mass of rough cloth and wood land on my costume. It is fireproofed. As are all our costumes. The other people whose torches collapsed were not personally inconvenienced. The problem was that meant there were even less torches. Enough about there torches. You get my point.

On the plus side, it looked like the entire town had turned out for the event. The fire on the beach was reasonably sized and looked great. It was nice and warm too, on a chilly night. I doubt the public got much of its benefit. They were far too far back behind safety barriers. There was the usual arrangement with us bonfire boys and belles being granted an inner enclosure in which we could perform our usual rituals, which were most satisfying.

The best part of the evening was the tableaux. We were treated to an exploding champagne bottle marked out with the Olympic dates. There were some really gutsy ground booms. The fireworks which landed in the sea and exploded under water were also an exotic treat! Any doubt as to whether the Olympics were being mocked was laid to rest by the guy on the beach fire being decorated with the famous rings. That definitely satisfied the best traditions of bonfire, the deliberate provocation of controversy.

Sussex Police & Crime Commissioner candidate is too busy to verify job interview

Ian Chisnall: too busy to verify job interview

Ian Chisnall – image from his own campaign website, entitled “boatblessing”

On Wednesday I published an interview with an independent candidate for the new job of being Sussex Police & Crime Commissioner. We’ve never elected people to run the police before. Despite, or perhaps because of, the controversial nature of this democratic development, very few people have heard about these elections. A low turnout is expected. The candidates are all keen to overcome this apathy, to fire up their large electorate with some enthusiasm. Thus, they rush around the county, speaking at hustings, issuing press releases and giving interviews. Ian Chisnall is promoting himself as a candidate free from political influence. Certainly no political party is backing him. Being an evangelical Christian, it may be that he is receiving support from some church people. However, even that is unclear. He says he has a group of people helping him run his campaign but admits that they are a secretive bunch and won’t reveal their identities. Here’s his website, for more or less information; it does reveal than an actor who worked on The Bill is supporting his campaign!

My interview with him was long, detailed and, I’ll be honest, tough. The role of a political interview in a democratic system is much the same as any other kind of job interview. We, the public, need to check out the candidates before we choose who is suitable for the job. It would appear that neither Chisnall nor the two other leading candidates had been through such a detailed interview before in relation to this post. (Here’s my interview with the Labour candidate, Godfrey Daniel; here’s my interview with the Conservative candidate, Katy Bourne. They were similarly thorough.)

After my interview with Mr Chisnall was published it received lots of attention and a certain amount of praise. It also seemed to upset a few people. Whether they were of a similar evangelical persuasion to Mr Chisnall or not, I do not know. One tweeter, whom I do not know used a hashtag to suggest that I would ‘burn in hell’. Sensibly, that tweet has now been deleted. Another tweet suggested that I was inciting religious hatred because I had trespassed into issues relating to faith during the interview.

I’m not promoting religious hatred, just in case anyone has any doubt about that. I asked some questions, got some answers and published the exchange. Nevertheless, this accusation was made and I, naturally, took it seriously. I suggested that if they really felt that was what I was doing, they should report it to the police. The tweeter said they were walking up the street which has Brighton Police Station in it, which I took to mean that they were going to make the complaint there and then. That was on Friday. This post was written on Saturday afternoon. I haven’t heard anything yet. If any such allegations are made, I’m very happy to defend myself. There is an important distinction between political criticism and incitement to hatred.

I found myself wondering whether Mr Chisnall felt the same way about his interview. Did he think that my published version of it promoted religious hatred? That’s a very simple question to answer. It can each be disposed of with a simple ‘yes’ or ‘no’. These days, if I want to know something, I ask. So I asked Mr Chisnall via twitter. When he replied, this is what he had to say.

Ian Chisnall tweets about his interview with Scrapper Duncan

Ian Chisnall tweets his opinion of his interview

Next up, I got this rather unexpected but very welcome invite to what looked like a very interesting exhibition.

Ian Chisnall tweets about his interview with Scrapper Duncan

Brighton & Hove Black History tweeter invites me to an exhibition?

Unfortunately, I was busy so I politely declined the invite. Oddly, I was told that the invite hadn’t been for me at all! However, if I was available, I was now invited! Talk about mixed messages… … having got Mr Chisnall back into the conversation, I asked him directly whether or not he thought I had misquoted him in the published interview.

Scrapper Duncan declines invite and asks Ian Chisnall to confirm whether he considered himself to be misquoted or not

Scrapper Duncan points out that Ian Chisnall has not objected to the published interview

Ian Chisnall replies to Scrapper Duncan, with a non-specific complaint

Ian Chisnall replies but doesn’t answer the question.

It’s worth remembering that this interview came about because I published a post about these elections being a rich man’s game, on 20th July 2012. On the same day, Ian Chisnall posted a comment on that post. He posted another comment in the same thread on 8th September 2012 and two more comments on 9th September 2012. I posted a comment in the same thread, stating that I would “be publishing post specifically on your candidacy in the next few days.” He replied to me saying, “If you wish to meet at any stage, I am happy to do so!” Fair enough, I thought. I arranged to meet with him via twitter and agreed not to publish anything about him until I had met him. In the comment thread linked to above he said, “… thanks Scrapper for letting us use your space for the debate.

I met him, interviewed him, wrote up my interview notes when they were fresh in my recollection and published the interview a few days later. Here we have a fellow who wants to be elected to a political post but doesn’t want to “extend debate” as to whether an interview with him was accurately published or not, despite having previously been grateful for me giving him space to have a debate. Perhaps I should ask the question one more time, to give Mr Chisnall a chance to publicly say once and for all whether he was misquoted by me?

Scrapper Duncan asks Ian Chisnall to verify interview

Scrapper Duncan asks Ian Chisnall to verify interview

It’s a very specific question. Mr Chisnall can spend a few seconds answering it and be clear to his secret supporters once and for all whether he thinks my published interview was unfair. The interview revealed him to be rather more candid than is suitable for someone aiming for high office. Having been bitten, you might expect him to be more guarded. Not a bit of it…

Ian Chisnall ducks the question

Ian Chisnall admits to answering questions “far too openly”

It is difficult to know what to make of this. How can questions be answered “far too openly”? He’s obviously read the published interview. My question was very specific. What is there to consider?

Scrapper Duncan reminds Ian Chisnall of the seriousness of the situation

Scrapper Duncan reminds Ian Chisnall that he is seeking a professional position

It seems clear that Mr Chisnall is not prepared to definitively verify or deny the interview I have published. Crucially, he’s been given a clear chance to publicly take issue with the thing but he hasn’t. That’s his prerogative. He doesn’t have to give answers, he doesn’t have to do anything. How he conducts his campaign is up to him.

Ian Chisnall talks about his interview with Scrapper Duncan

A stranger assesses Ian Chisnall’s response

I do not know @acommonlawyer. They’ve been following me on twitter for a little while but I do not know anything about them and it’s fair to say that my exchanges with whoever this person is have been extremely limited. You can see from the fork in the conversational thread above that they stepped in and spelt out to Mr Chisnall what everyone must be thinking at this point in time: that he isn’t going to claim that I misquoted him, that he regrets being too candid and that he wants some time to think about his next move.If this was a chess game and the situation became this dire, the commonly heard refrain is, ‘resignation springs to mind…’

However, Mr Chisnall is not the retiring type. The next three tweets come in quick succession. He denies he is asking for more time. He says he “simply” doesn’t understand the relevance of my question.

Ian Chisnall feigns stupidity

What’s not to understand?

Ian Chisnall rants

Ian Chisnall accepts that he could deny the interview’s veracity but doesn’t

Ian Chisnall is too busy

Ian Chisnall is mystified

The people of Sussex must surely be asking themselves by now, what’s Mr Chisnall’s problem? Why can’t he give a straight answer? What is he mystified about? If he finds this line of questioning complicated, how on earth is he going to manage the police successfully? If anything, he has appeared to concede that the interview is accurate and that he regrets being so honest. If that interpretation is correct, then his campaign to run the police must be severely damaged.